Le Mans, la Sarthe et la 4e circonscription

Monique Pelletier, née le 25 juillet 1926 à Trouville-sur-Mer, est une femme politique française, ancienne ministre et membre du Conseil constitutionnel français. Elle fait partie de l'Union pour la démocratie française.

Sommaire

1 Biographie
2 Décorations
3 Notes et références
4 Bibliographie
5 Articles connexes
6 Lien externe

Biographie

Monique Pelletier, de son nom de jeune fille Bédier, suit ses études au lycée Racine à Paris, puis passe une licence en droit et se destine à la profession d'avocate.

De 1948 à 1960, elle est juge assesseur au tribunal pour enfants de Nanterre.

De 1969 à 1974, elle est responsable de la commission Femmes au Centre démocratie et progrès2, et entre au conseil municipal de Neuilly-sur-Seine en 1971 avant d'en devenir en 1977, adjointe au maire.

Elle se rapproche de Valéry Giscard d'Estaing à partir de 1974 et devient secrétaire nationale des Républicains indépendants, chargée de la famille et de la femme2.

Sensibilisée au fléau de la drogue par son poste de magistrat, elle est chargée en 1977, par le président Valéry Giscard d'Estaing sur les conseils de Michel Poniatowski, d'un rapport sur le problème de la drogue en France, jugé trop laxiste avant d'être approuvé par l'Elysée3, dans lequel elle invite le gouvernement à mieux prendre en charge les toxicomanes4. L'année suivante, elle entre au gouvernement comme secrétaire d'État auprès du garde des Sceaux Alain Peyrefitte. Pour « canaliser » ses envies de réformes, elle est nommée quelques mois plus tard, ministre délégué auprès du Premier ministre, chargé de la Condition féminine5. En février 1980, son titre devient « ministre délégué auprès du Premier ministre, chargé de la Famille et de la Condition féminine ». Elle fait voter la reconduction, en 1979, de la loi Veil en faveur de l'interruption volontaire de grossesse, qu'elle aurait voulu remboursée par la Sécurité sociale4 et la criminalisation du viol en 19803. Elle fait adopter au conseil des ministres en janvier 1979 « cinq mesures en faveur des femmes » pour expérimenter les quotas de femmes sur les listes de candidats aux élections6 Elle incarne alors, avec Françoise Giroud et Simone Veil une nouvelle génération de femmes politiques4.

Elle démissionne le 4 mars 1981 pour prendre part à la campagne pour la réélection de Valéry Giscard d'Estang. Avec Jean-François Deniau et Jean-Philippe Lecat, elle est porte-parole du président sortant et s'occupe de ses comités de soutien7. Elle incarne une orientation social-libérale à l'UDF, s'opposant au sein du Parti républicain aux libéro-conservateurs comme Alain Madelin, François Léotard et Charles Millon8.

Après la défaite de son camp en 1981 et son échec dans la première circonscription d'Eure-et-Loir (42,2 %), elle retourne à son métier d'avocate au barreau de Paris et exerce au sein du cabinet Ngo Cohen Amir-Aslani5.

Le 22 mars 2000, elle est nommée par Jacques Chirac au Conseil constitutionnel. Son mandat s'est achevé le 8 mars 2004

Mariée à un industriel, elle découvre les difficultés des personnes handicapés quand celui-ci est victime d'un AVC. Dès lors, elle s'investit pour cette cause et devient présidente, puis présidente d'honneur, du Conseil national handicap (CNH)3.

Elle milite à plusieurs reprises pour une grande réforme de la justice4.

L’économiste Christian de Boissieu est son gendre.

En 2016, elle révèle avoir été agressée sexuellement par un sénateur en 19799.
Décorations

Grand officier de la Légion d'honneur Grand officier de la Légion d'honneur depuis décembre 201310.
Commandeur dans l'ordre national du Mérite, le 14 mai 2010

Notes et références

↑ Portefeuille de la Famille rajouté le 3 juillet 1979
↑ a et b « La longue patience de Monique Pelletier », Le Nouvel observateur, 23 juillet 1979.
↑ a, b et c « Monique Pelletier combat le handicap » [archive], TV Mag, 20 décembre 2011
↑ a, b, c et d Olivier Costemalle, « Mémoires. L’avocate des causes ardues », Libération 5 NOVEMBRE 2011.
↑ a et b http://www.nca-avocats.com/fr/content/monique [archive]
↑ L'instruction civique pour les Nuls, First éditions, 2010.
↑ Michèle Cotta, Cahiers secrets de la Ve République, tome 2 (1977-1988), Fayard, 2008.
↑ Jean-Pierre Raffarin, Je marcherai toujours à l'affectif, Flammarion
↑ Étienne Baldit, « Harcèlement sexuel : l'ancienne ministre Monique Pelletier raconte avoir été "agressée par un sénateur" en 1979 » [archive], lelab.europe1.fr, 10 mai 2016.
↑ Décret [archive]

Bibliographie

Le Droit dans ma vie (1975). Elle y explique l'importance du droit dans la vie quotidienne des Français.
Nous sommes toutes responsables (1981). Description de son combat de féministe.
La Ligne brisée (1995). Son combat aux côtés de son mari devenu handicapé.
Le Soleil peut attendre (2011, autobiographie). Une autobiographie sur sa vie politique et professionnelle.

Articles connexes

Liste de femmes ministres françaises
Ministère des Droits des femmes (France)

L'attentat à la pudeur se réfère à un acte de nature sexuelle, non valablement consenti, et considéré comme un crime ou un délit : un « acte physique recouvrant contraire aux bonnes mœurs exercé volontairement sur le corps d'une personne déterminée de l'un ou l'autre sexe ». Il est souvent lié, selon les pays, à la définition de la majorité sexuelle.

Sommaire

1 En France
1.1 L'attentat à la pudeur sans violence
1.1.1 Discrimination homosexuelle
1.2 L'attentat à la pudeur avec violence
2 Voir aussi
2.1 Articles connexes
2.2 Bibliographie
2.3 Liens externes
3 Références

En France
L'attentat à la pudeur sans violence

L'attentat à la pudeur sans violence, contrainte ou surprise commis sur mineur (selon l'âge de la majorité sexuelle — aujourd'hui de 15 ans) était un délit réprimé dans l'article 331 de l'ancien Code pénal de 1810 à partir de la loi du 28 avril 18321. La loi considérait qu'en dessous de la limite fixée, le mineur ne pouvait donner un libre consentement aux actes sexuels subis, établissant une présomption irréfragable de violence morale. La minorité n'y était pas une circonstance aggravante mais un des éléments constitutifs du délit.

« Tout attentat à la pudeur commis ou tenté sans violence ni contrainte ni surprise sur la personne d'un mineur de quinze ans sera puni d'un emprisonnement de trois ans à cinq ans et d'une amende de 6 000 F à 60 000 F ou de l'une de ces deux peines seulement. »

— Article 331 de l'Ancien code pénal2

En France, il est aujourd'hui sanctionné en droit positif sur le fondement des articles 227-25 à 227-27 du Code pénal français. La qualification judiciaire est aujourd'hui : atteinte sexuelle sur mineur.
Discrimination homosexuelle
Article détaillé : Majorité sexuelle en France.

Entre 1942 et 1982, l'article 331 comporta une distinction discriminatoire dans l'âge de consentement entre rapports homosexuels et hétérosexuels.
L'attentat à la pudeur avec violence

L'attentat à la pudeur avec violence, contrainte ou surprise était un délit (et un crime en cas de circonstances aggravantes) réprimé dans l'article 333 de l'ancien Code pénal de 1810.

« Tout autre attentat à la pudeur commis ou tenté avec violence, contrainte ou surprise sur une personne autre qu'un mineur de quinze ans sera puni d'un emprisonnement de trois ans à cinq ans et d'une amende de 6 000 F à 60 000 F ou de l'une de ces deux peines seulement. »

— Article 333 de l'Ancien code pénal3

En France, il est aujourd'hui sanctionné en droit positif sur le fondement de l'article 222-22 du Code pénal4. La qualification judiciaire est aujourd'hui : agression sexuelle.
Voir aussi
Articles connexes

La loi de la pudeur, entretien entre Michel Foucault, Guy Hocquenghem et Jean Danet au sujet de la réforme de 1978
Agression sexuelle en droit pénal français
Atteinte sexuelle sur mineur en droit français
Majorité sexuelle
Majorité sexuelle en France
Outrage public à la pudeur (devenu exhibition sexuelle en droit positif)
Pédophilie
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Le 1er juin, François Fillon n'intègre pas le gouvernement de Dominique de Villepin. C’est par un coup de téléphone de Jacques Chirac qu'il apprend qu'« il n'y a pas de place » pour lui au gouvernement, formule que François Fillon ressent comme une humiliation et un désaveu explicite. C'est alors, que peu de temps après, il déclare à un journaliste du Monde qu'il est le seul à avoir mené neuf réformes législatives (dont les réformes portant sur le RMI, les retraites ou les 35 heures) et que lorsque le bilan du mandat de Chirac sera fait, « on ne se souviendra de rien, sauf de [ses] réformes »49, propos qu'il nuancera plus tard comme celui d'« un accès de colère et de vanité50 ».

Il prévient dès lors qu'il va « s'investir à fond dans l'UMP, préparer les échéances futures pour Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007 » et qu'en le refusant dans le nouveau gouvernement, on a fait de lui « un directeur de campagne avant l'heureKelly 13 ».

Les propos de Fillon font mouche dans la classe politique peu habituée à ces emportements de quelqu'un perçu comme « gentil », pondéré, voire en retrait. C'est le discours de la rupture définitive avec Jacques Chirac. Une entrevue houleuse a lieu avec Dominique de Villepin. Fillon conteste plus la forme que le fond de son éviction. Il se sent injustement puni, bouc émissaire des manifestations massives contre ses réformes des retraites et de l’école mais aussi pour son rapprochement politique avec Nicolas SarkozyKelly 14.

Il retourne alors sur ses terres à Sablé et se fait élire de nouveau sénateur le 18 septembre 2005. Conseiller politique du président de l'UMP, il se réfugie aussi un temps dans l’écriture et publie ses réflexions et ses idées dans un ouvrage intitulé La France peut supporter la vérité à l'automne 2006. La phrase « La France peut supporter la vérité » (reprise de Pierre Mendès France)[réf. nécessaire]51 devient son mot d’ordre52 et sa ligne politique : « dire la vérité aux Français ». En avril 2006, il dit : « Plus il y a d'impôts, moins il y a d'emplois53. » Il est qualifié de « gaulliste social » le 17 mai 2007 dans le journal Libération54.

Parallèlement, il participe durant deux ans à la mise au point du programme de l’UMP en vue de l'élection présidentielle de 2007, participant à de nombreuses conventions thématiques. Aux côtés notamment d’Emmanuelle Mignon, il va travailler sur le programme de l’UMP qui sera présenté lors de l'élection présidentielle. Sur les deux cents propositions émises par les groupes de réflexion qu’il coordonne, trente d'entre elles sont retenues et constituent la colonne vertébrale du projet de l’UMPKelly 15. Bien qu’il n'apparaisse pas dans l’organigramme officiel de campagne de Nicolas Sarkozy, Fillon devient l’un de ses collaborateurs principaux aux côtés de Claude Guéant, le directeur de la campagne présidentielle, et de David Martinon, le chef de cabinet du candidat à la présidence de la République française.

En septembre 2006, sans consulter Nicolas Sarkozy, François Fillon commence à s’impliquer concrètement dans les médias et annonce qu’en cas de victoire de ce dernier, les régimes spéciaux de retraites seront réformés dès le début de la législature. Si ces propos provoquent un tollé dans la classe politique et chez les syndicats, ils sont approuvés par Nicolas Sarkozy et par l'opinion publiqueKelly 16.
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Bibliographie

Gérard Cornu (dir.) et Association Henri Capitant, Vocabulaire juridique, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, coll. « Quadridge », 2005, 7e éd., 970 p. [détail des éditions] (ISBN 978-2-13-055097-6, OCLC 469313788)
Anne-Claude Ambroise-Rendu, « Attentats à la pudeur sur enfants : le crime sans violence est-il un crime ? (1810-années 1930) », Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine (1954-), vol. 56, no 4,‎ 2009, p. 165-189 (lire en ligne)
Jean-Paul Doucet, « Attentat à la pudeur », Dictionnaire de droit criminel,‎ 2014
Antoine Idier, Les Alinéas au placard : L’abrogation du délit d’homosexualité (1977-1982), Paris, Cartouche, coll. « Cartouche idées », 2013 (ISBN 978-2-36622-003-2)
Thierry Pastorello, « Antoine Idier, Les alinéas au placard : l’abrogation du délit d’homosexualité (1977-1982) », Cahiers d’histoire. Revue d’histoire critique, no 124,‎ 2014, p. 223-229 (lire en ligne)

Liens externes

Article 222-22 du Code pénal français sur Légifrance
Article 227-25 du Code pénal français sur Légifrance
Article 227-26 du Code pénal français sur Légifrance
Article 227-27 du Code pénal français sur Légifrance
Article 331 de l'Ancien code pénal sur Légifrance
Article 333 de l'Ancien code pénal sur Légifrance

Références

↑ Loi du 28 avril 1832 [archive].
↑ Article 331 de l'Ancien code pénal, sur Légifrance [archive]
↑ Article 333 de l'Ancien code pénal, sur Légifrance [archive]
↑ Article 222-22 du Code pénal français sur Légifrance [archive]

Born in Paris, Armand du Plessis was the fourth of five children and the last of three sons: he was delicate from childhood, and suffered frequent bouts of ill-health throughout his life. His family, although belonging only to the lesser nobility of Poitou,[1] was somewhat prominent: his father, François du Plessis, seigneur de Richelieu, was a soldier and courtier who served as the Grand Provost of France;[2] his mother, Susanne de La Porte, was the daughter of a famous jurist.[3] When he was five years old, his father died fighting in the French Wars of Religion,[4] leaving the family in debt; with the aid of royal grants, however, the family was able to avoid financial difficulties. At the age of nine, young Richelieu was sent to the College of Navarre in Paris to study philosophy.[5] Thereafter, he began to train for a military career.[6] His private life seems to have been typical of a young officer of the era: in 1605, aged twenty, he was treated by Théodore de Mayerne for gonorrhea.[7]

King Henry III had rewarded Richelieu's father for his participation in the Wars of Religion by granting his family the bishopric of Luçon.[8] The family appropriated most of the revenues of the bishopric for private use; they were, however, challenged by clergymen, who desired the funds for ecclesiastical purposes. To protect the important source of revenue, Richelieu's mother proposed to make her second son, Alphonse, the bishop of Luçon.[9] Alphonse, who had no desire to become a bishop, became instead a Carthusian monk.[10] Thus, it became necessary that the younger Richelieu join the clergy. He had strong academic interests, and threw himself into studying for his new post.

In 1606 King Henry IV nominated Richelieu to become Bishop of Luçon.[9] As Richelieu had not yet reached the canonical minimum age, it was necessary that he journey to Rome for a special dispensation from the Pope. This secured, Richelieu was consecrated bishop in April 1607. Soon after he returned to his diocese in 1608, Richelieu was heralded as a reformer.[11] He became the first bishop in France to implement the institutional reforms prescribed by the Council of Trent between 1545 and 1563.[12]

At about this time, Richelieu became a friend of François Leclerc du Tremblay (better known as "Père Joseph" or "Father Joseph"), a Capuchin friar, who would later become a close confidant. Because of his closeness to Richelieu, and the grey colour of his robes, Father Joseph was also nicknamed l'Éminence grise ("the Grey Eminence"). Later, Richelieu often used him as an agent during diplomatic negotiations.

Armand Jean du Plessis, Cardinal-Duke of Richelieu and of Fronsac (French pronunciation: [aʁmɑ̃ ʒɑ̃ dy plɛsi]; 9 September 1585 – 4 December 1642), commonly referred to as Cardinal Richelieu (French: Cardinal de Richelieu [kaʁdinal d(ə) ʁiʃ(ə)ljø]), was a French clergyman, nobleman, and statesman. He was consecrated as a bishop in 1607 and was appointed Foreign Secretary in 1616. Richelieu soon rose in both the Catholic Church and the French government, becoming a cardinal in 1622, and King Louis XIII's chief minister in 1624. He remained in office until his death in 1642; he was succeeded by Cardinal Mazarin, whose career he had fostered.

Cardinal de Richelieu was often known by the title of the king's "Chief Minister" or "First Minister". He sought to consolidate royal power and crush domestic factions. By restraining the power of the nobility, he transformed France into a strong, centralized state. His chief foreign policy objective was to check the power of the Austro-Spanish Habsburg dynasty, and to ensure French dominance in the Thirty Years' War that engulfed Europe. Although he was a cardinal, he did not hesitate to make alliances with Protestant rulers in attempting to achieve his goals. While a powerful political figure, events like the Day of the Dupes show that in fact he very much depended on the king's confidence to keep this power.

As alumnus of the University of Paris and headmaster of the Collège de Sorbonne, he renovated and extended the institution. Richelieu was also famous for his patronage of the arts; most notably, he founded the Académie Française, the learned society responsible for matters pertaining to the French language. Richelieu is also known by the sobriquet l'Éminence rouge ("the Red Eminence"), from the red shade of a cardinal's clerical dress and the style "eminence" as a cardinal. As an advocate for Samuel de Champlain and of the retention of New France, he founded the Compagnie des Cent-Associés and saw the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye return Quebec City to French rule under Champlain, after the settlement had been taken by the Kirkes in 1629. This in part allowed the colony to eventually develop into the heartland of Francophone culture in North America.

He is also a leading character in The Three Musketeers by Alexandre Dumas and its numerous film adaptations.

In 1614, the clergymen of Poitou asked Richelieu to be one of their representatives to the States-General.[14] There, he was a vigorous advocate of the Church, arguing that it should be exempt from taxes and that bishops should have more political power. He was the most prominent clergyman to support the adoption of the decrees of the Council of Trent throughout France;[15] the Third Estate (commoners) was his chief opponent in this endeavour. At the end of the assembly, the First Estate (the clergy) chose him to deliver the address enumerating its petitions and decisions.[16] Soon after the dissolution of the Estates-General, Richelieu entered the service of King Louis XIII's wife, Anne of Austria, as her almoner.[17]

Richelieu advanced politically by faithfully serving the Queen-Mother's favourite, Concino Concini, the most powerful minister in the kingdom.[18] In 1616, Richelieu was made Secretary of State, and was given responsibility for foreign affairs.[16] Like Concini, the Bishop was one of the closest advisors of Louis XIII's mother, Marie de Médicis. The Queen had become Regent of France when the nine-year-old Louis ascended the throne; although her son reached the legal age of majority in 1614, she remained the effective ruler of the realm.[19] However, her policies, and those of Concini, proved unpopular with many in France. As a result, both Marie and Concini became the targets of intrigues at court; their most powerful enemy was Charles de Luynes.[20] In April 1617, in a plot arranged by Luynes, King Louis XIII ordered that Concini be arrested, and killed should he resist; Concini was consequently assassinated, and Marie de Médicis overthrown.[21] His patron having died, Richelieu also lost power; he was dismissed as Secretary of State, and was removed from the court.[21] In 1618, the King, still suspicious of the Bishop of Luçon, banished him to Avignon. There, Richelieu spent most of his time writing; he composed a catechism entitled L'Instruction du chrétien.[22]

In 1619, Marie de Médicis escaped from her confinement in the Château de Blois, becoming the titular leader of an aristocratic rebellion. The King and the duc de Luynes recalled Richelieu, believing that he would be able to reason with the Queen. Richelieu was successful in this endeavour, mediating between her and her son.[23] Complex negotiations bore fruit when the Treaty of Angoulême was ratified; Marie de Médicis was given complete freedom, but would remain at peace with the King. The Queen-Mother was also restored to the royal council.

After the death of the King's favourite, the duc de Luynes, in 1621, Richelieu began to rise to power quickly. The year after, the King nominated Richelieu for a cardinalate, which Pope Gregory XV accordingly granted on 19 April 1622.[24] Crises in France, including a rebellion of the Huguenots, rendered Richelieu a nearly indispensable advisor to the King. After he was appointed to the royal council of ministers on 29 April 1624,[25] he intrigued against the chief minister, Charles, duc de La Vieuville.[23] On 12 August of the same year, La Vieuville was arrested on charges of corruption, and Cardinal Richelieu took his place as the King's principal minister the following day, although Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld nominally remained president of the council (Richelieu was officially appointed president in November 1629).[26]
Chief minister
Henri Motte's depiction of Cardinal Richelieu at the Siege of La Rochelle.

Cardinal Richelieu's policy involved two primary goals: centralization of power in France[27] and opposition to the Habsburg dynasty (which ruled in both Austria and Spain).[28] Shortly after he became Louis' principal minister, he was faced with a crisis in Valtellina, a valley in Lombardy (northern Italy). To counter Spanish designs on the territory, Richelieu supported the Protestant Swiss canton of Grisons, which also claimed the strategically important valley. The Cardinal deployed troops to Valtellina, from which the Pope's garrisons were driven out.[29] Richelieu's early decision to support a Protestant canton against the Pope was a foretaste of the purely diplomatic power politics he would espouse in his foreign policy.

To further consolidate power in France, Richelieu sought to suppress the influence of the feudal nobility. In 1626, he abolished the position of Constable of France and ordered all fortified castles razed, excepting only those needed to defend against invaders.[30] Thus, he stripped the princes, dukes, and lesser aristocrats of important defences that could have been used against the King's armies during rebellions. As a result, Richelieu was hated by most of the nobility.
Letter of Cardinal Richelieu to Claude de Razilly asking him to do everything in his power to relieve Ré Island in the Siege of Saint-Martin-de-Ré, July 1627.

Another obstacle to the centralization of power was religious division in France. The Huguenots, one of the largest political and religious factions in the country, controlled a significant military force, and were in rebellion.[31] Moreover, the King of England, Charles I, declared war on France in an attempt to aid the Huguenot faction. In 1627, Richelieu ordered the army to besiege the Huguenot stronghold of La Rochelle; the Cardinal personally commanded the besieging troops.[32] English troops under the Duke of Buckingham led an expedition to help the citizens of La Rochelle, but failed abysmally. The city, however, remained firm for over a year before capitulating in 1628.

Although the Huguenots suffered a major defeat at La Rochelle, they continued to fight, led by Henri, duc de Rohan. Protestant forces, however, were defeated in 1629; Rohan submitted to the terms of the Peace of Alais.[33] As a result, religious toleration for Protestants, which had first been granted by the Edict of Nantes in 1598, was permitted to continue, but the Cardinal abolished their political rights and protections.[34] Rohan was not executed (as were leaders of rebellions later in Richelieu's tenure); in fact, he later became a commanding officer in the French army.
On the "Day of the Dupes" in 1630, it appeared that Marie de Médicis had secured Richelieu's dismissal. Richelieu, however, survived the scheme, and Marie was exiled as a result.

Habsburg Spain exploited the French conflict with the Huguenots to extend its influence in northern Italy. It funded the Huguenot rebels in order to keep the French army occupied, meanwhile expanding its Italian dominions. Richelieu, however, responded aggressively; after La Rochelle capitulated, he personally led the French army to northern Italy to restrain Spain. On 26 November 1629, he was created duc de Richelieu and a Peer of France.

In the next year, Richelieu's position was seriously threatened by his former patron, Marie de Médicis. Marie believed that the Cardinal had robbed her of her political influence; thus, she demanded that her son dismiss the chief minister.[35] Louis XIII was not, at first, averse to such a course of action, as he personally disliked Richelieu.[16] The persuasive statesman convinced his master of the wisdom in his plans, however. On 11 November 1630, Marie de Médicis and the King's brother, Gaston, duc d'Orléans, secured the King's agreement for the dismissal. Richelieu, however, was aware of the plan, and quickly convinced the King to repent.[36] This day, known as the Day of the Dupes, was the only one on which Louis XIII took a step toward dismissing his minister. Thereafter, the King was unwavering in his political support for him.

Meanwhile, Marie de Médicis was exiled to Compiègne. Both Marie and the duc d'Orléans continued to conspire against Richelieu, but their schemes came to nothing. The nobility also remained powerless. The only important rising was that of Henri, duc de Montmorency in 1632; Richelieu, ruthless in suppressing opposition, ordered the duke's execution. Richelieu's harsh measures were designed to intimidate his enemies. He also ensured his political security by establishing a large network of spies in France as well as in other European countries.
Thirty Years' War
Cardinal Richelieu by Robert Nanteuil
Cardinal Richelieu Bronze Medal 1631 by Warin. Obverse

Before Richelieu's ascent to power, most of Europe had become enmeshed in the Thirty Years' War (1618–1648). France was not openly at war with the Habsburgs, who ruled Spain and the Holy Roman Empire, so subsidies and aid were provided secretly to their adversaries.[37] He considered the Dutch Republic as one of France's most important allies, for it bordered directly with the Spanish Netherlands and was right in the middle of the Eighty Years War with Spain at that time. Luckily for him, Richelieu was a bon français, just like the king, who had already decided to subsidize the Dutch to fight against the Spanish via the Treaty of Compiègne in June 1624, prior to Richelieu's appointment to Prime minister in August.[38] That same year, a military expedition, secretly financed by France and commanded by Marquis de Coeuvres, started an action with the intention of liberating the Valtelline from Spanish occupation. In 1625 Richelieu also sent money to Ernst von Mansfeld, a famous mercenary general operating in Germany in English service. However, in May 1626, when war costs had almost ruined France, king and cardinal made peace with Spain via the Treaty of Monçon.[39] This peace quickly broke down after tensions due to the War of Mantuan Succession.[40]

In 1629, the Emperor Ferdinand II subjugated many of his Protestant opponents in Germany. Richelieu, alarmed by Ferdinand's growing influence, incited Sweden to intervene, providing money.[41] In the meantime, France and Spain remained hostile due to Spain's ambitions in northern Italy. At that time northern Italy was a major strategic item in Europe's balance of powers, serving as a link between the Habsburgs in the Empire and in Spain. Had the imperial armies dominated this region, France's very existence would have been threatened by Habsburg encirclement. Spain was meanwhile seeking papal approval for a universal monarchy. When, in 1630, French diplomats in Regensburg agreed to make peace with Spain, Richelieu refused to support them. The agreement would have prohibited French interference in Germany. Thus, Richelieu advised Louis XIII to refuse to ratify the treaty. In 1631, he allied France to Sweden, who had just invaded the empire, in the Treaty of Bärwalde.[41]

Military expenses placed a considerable strain on the King's revenues. In response, Richelieu raised the gabelle (salt tax) and the taille (land tax).[42] The taille was enforced to provide funds to raise armies and wage war. The clergy, nobility, and high bourgeoisie were either exempt or could easily avoid payment, so the burden fell on the poorest segment of the nation. To collect taxes more efficiently, and to keep corruption to a minimum, Richelieu bypassed local tax officials, replacing them with intendants (officials in the direct service of the Crown).[43] Richelieu's financial scheme, however, caused unrest among the peasants; there were several uprisings in 1636 to 1639.[44] Richelieu crushed the revolts violently, and dealt with the rebels harshly.[45]
The Battle of Lens

Because he openly aligned France with Protestant powers, Richelieu was denounced by many as a traitor to the Roman Catholic Church. Military action, at first, was disastrous for the French, with many victories going to Spain and the Empire.[46] Neither side, however, could obtain a decisive advantage, and the conflict lingered on after Richelieu's death. Richelieu was instrumental in redirecting the 30 Years' War from the conflict of Protestantism versus Catholicism to that of nationalism versus Habsburg hegemony.[47] In this conflict France effectively drained the already overstretched resources of the Habsburg empire and drove it inexorably towards bankruptcy.[48] The defeat of Habsburg forces at the Battle of Lens, and their failure to prevent French invasion of Catalonia effectively spelled the end for Habsburg domination of the continent, and the Spanish prime minister Olivares' personal career.[48] Indeed, in the subsequent years it would be France, under the leadership of Louis XIV, who would attempt to fill the vacuum left by the Habsburgs in the Spanish Netherlands, and supplant Spain as the dominant European power.
New World

When Richelieu came to power, New France, where the French had a foothold since Jacques Cartier, had no more than 100 permanent inhabitants.[49] Richelieu encouraged Louis XIII to colonize the Americas by the foundation of the Compagnie de la Nouvelle France in imitation of the Dutch West India Company. Unlike the other colonial powers, France encouraged a peaceful coexistence in New France between Natives and Colonists and sought the integration of Indians into colonial society.[50][51] Samuel de Champlain, governor of New France at the time of Richelieu, saw intermarriage between French and Indians as a solution to increase population in its colony.[52] Under the guidance of Richelieu, Louis XIII issued the Ordonnance of 1627 by which the Indians, converted to Catholicism, were considered as "natural Frenchmen":

"The descendants of the French who are accustomed to this country [New France], together with all the Indians who will be brought to the knowledge of the faith and will profess it, shall be deemed and renowned natural Frenchmen, and as such may come to live in France when they want, and acquire, donate, and succeed and accept donations and legacies, just as true French subjects, without being required to take no letters of declaration of naturalization."[53]

The 1666 census of New France, conducted some 20 years after the death of Cardinal Richelieu, showed a population of 3,215 habitants in New France, many more than there had been only a few decades earlier, but also a great difference in the number of men (2,034) and women (1,181).[54]

François Charles Amand Fillon (French pronunciation: [fʁɑ̃.swa ʃaʁl amɑ̃ fi.jɔ̃]; born 4 March 1954) is a French lawyer and politician who served as Prime Minister of France from 17 May 2007 to 16 May 2012. He was appointed by President Nicolas Sarkozy on 17 May 2007.[1][2] As a member of the UMP, Fillon became Jean-Pierre Raffarin's Minister of Labour in 2002 and undertook controversial reforms of the 35-hour working week law and of the French retirement system.

Fillon became Minister of National Education in 2004 and proposed the much debated Fillon law on Education. In 2005 he was not included in the new government headed by Dominique de Villepin, but was elected Senator for the Sarthe Département. His role as a political advisor in Nicolas Sarkozy's successful race for President led to his becoming Prime Minister. Fillon resigned upon Sarkozy's defeat to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections. In 2013, during a visit to Russia, Fillon criticized the French government led by Francois Hollande for giving its support to a military intervention in Syria.

Contents

1 Early life
1.1 Connections with United Kingdom
2 Professional résumé
2.1 Education
3 Political career
4 Prime Minister
4.1 Fillon's First Government
4.1.1 Ministers
4.1.2 Secretaries of State
4.1.3 High Commissioner
4.2 Fillon's Second Government
4.2.1 Ministers
4.2.2 Secretaries of State
4.2.3 High Commissioner
4.3 Shuffles
4.3.1 Appointment of Secretary of State for Sport
4.3.2 After Municipal Elections of 2008
4.3.2.1 New Secretaries of State
4.3.2.2 Changes of attributions – Ministers
4.3.2.3 Changes of attributions – Secretaries of State
4.3.3 In December 2008
4.3.4 In January 2009 – Xavier Bertrand becomes head of UMP[19]
4.3.5 In June 2009 – After the European parliamentary elections[20]
5 Resignation and Cabinet reshuffle
6 UMP presidential election
7 Awards and honours
8 References
9 External links

Early life

Fillon was born in Le Mans, Sarthe. His father is a civil law notary, while his mother, Anne Fillon, is a celebrated historian of Basque descent.[3] His youngest brother, Dominique, is a talented pianist.[4]

Fillon lives with his wife, Penelope, and five children, Marie, Charles, Antoine, Édouard and Arnaud, in the 12th-century Château de Beaucé, set in 20 acres (8 ha) of woodland on the banks of the River Sarthe at the famous monastery village of Solesmes, near Sablé-sur-Sarthe about halfway between Le Mans and Angers. M. and Mme Fillon resided in various other properties, always in the Sarthe, throughout their marriage, before buying Beaucé in 1993.[4]
Connections with United Kingdom
François Fillon speaking in the National Assembly.

Fillon has a reputation as an Anglophile and has had speaking engagements at a wide variety of universities in Britain, notably the London School of Economics.[5]

His wife Penelope Kathryn Fillon (née Clarke) was born in Llanover, Wales, the daughter of a solicitor. They met while she was teaching English during her gap year in Le Mans, and they were married in the bride's family church in June 1980.[4][6][7][8] Fillon's younger brother, Pierre, an ophthalmic specialist (and now President of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest), later married Penelope Fillon's younger sister, Jane.[citation needed]

Having lived all his life in the Le Mans area and represented it politically, Fillon is an enthusiastic supporter of the city's famous 24 hour sportscar race, which he has attended nearly every year since he was a small child. He is a member of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest, which stages the event, and is on the race's organisation committee. He has also competed in the Le Mans Legend historic sportscar races on the full 24-hour circuit and in a number of other classic road rallies.[9] Fillon's younger brother Pierre currently serves as the President of the ACO, having been elected in 2013 [10]
Professional résumé
Education

1972, Baccalaureat, Philosophy stream;
1976, M.A. Public Law, Université du Mans;
1977, DEA in Public Law, University of Paris V: René Descartes.

Political career

Governmental functions

Minister of Higher Education and Research : 1993–1995;

Minister of Information Technologies and Post : May–November 1995;

Minister of Post, Telecommunications and Space : 1995–1997;

Minister of Social Affairs, Labour and Solidarity : 2002–2004;

Minister of National Education, Higher Education and Research : 2004–2005;

Prime minister : 2007-2012.

February to May 2012 : he assumed the functions of the Minister for Ecology, Sustainable Development, Transport and Housing, after the resignation of Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet who became spokeswoman of Nicolas Sarkozy's presidential campaign.

Electoral mandates

National Assembly of France

President of the Rally-UMP Group in the National Assembly : November 2012 - January 2013;

Member of the National Assembly of France for Paris (2nd constituency) : Since 2012. Elected in 2012;

Member of the National Assembly of France for Sarthe (4th constituency) : 1981–1993 (Became minister in 1993) / 1997–2002 (Became minister in 2002) / Reelected in 2007 but he became Prime Minister. Elected in 1981, reelected in 1986, 1988, 1993, 1997, 2002, 2007;

Senate of France

Senator of the Sarthe : 2005–2007 (became Prime Minister in 2007, and he appears again as a member of the National Assembly of France in June 2007). Elected in 2004, remained as minister. Reelected in 2005.

Regional Council

President of the Regional Council of Pays-de-la-Loire : 1998–2002. (Resignation);

Vice-president of the Regional Council of Pays-de-la-Loire : 2002–2004;

Regional councillor of Pays-de-la-Loire : 1998–2007 (Resignation). Reelected in 2004. Elected in Sarthe constituency.

General Council

President of the General Council of Sarthe : 1992–1998. Reelected in 1994;

Vice-President of the General Council of Sarthe : 1985–1992;

General councillor of the Sarthe, elected in the canton of Sablé-sur-Sarthe : 1981–1998. Reelected in 1985, 1992.

Municipal Council

Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe : 1983–2001. Reelected in 1989, 1995;

Municipal councillor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe : 1983–2001. Reelected in 1989, 1995;

Municipal councillor of Solesmes : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008.

Community of communes Council

President of the Communauté de communes of Sablé-sur-Sarthe : 2001-2012 (Resignation). Reelected in 2008;

Member of the Communauté de communes of Sablé-sur-Sarthe : Since 2001. Reelected in 2008.
Prime Minister

The day after Nicolas Sarkozy became President he appointed Fillon as Prime Minister of France, charging him with the task of forming a new cabinet, which was announced on 18 May 2007.[11] By appointing as Secretary of State André Santini, who had been indicted in the Fondation Hamon affair on charges of corruption, Fillon made the first break since 1992 with the so-called "Balladur jurisprudence", according to which an indicted governmental personality should resign until the case is closed.[12]
Fillon's First Government

From 17 May, to 18 June 2007.

François Fillon – Prime Minister

Ministers

Alain Juppé – Minister of State, Minister of Ecology and Sustainable Development and Planning (resigned on 17 June 2007 following his defeat in the legislative elections and thus non-reelection as a deputy for Bordeaux);
Jean-Louis Borloo – Minister of the Economy, Finance and Employment;
Michèle Alliot-Marie – Minister of the Interior, Overseas and Territorial Collectivities;
Bernard Kouchner – Minister of Foreign and European Affairs;
Brice Hortefeux – Minister of Immigration, Integration, National identity and Co-development;
Rachida Dati – Keeper of the seals, Minister of Justice;
Xavier Bertrand – Minister of Labour, Social Relations and Solidarity;
Xavier Darcos – Minister of National Education;
Valérie Pécresse – Minister of Higher Education and Research;
Hervé Morin – Minister of Defence;
Roselyne Bachelot-Narquin – Minister of Health, Youth Affairs and Sport;
Christine Boutin – Minister of Housing and City;
Christine Lagarde – Minister of Agriculture and Fishing;
Christine Albanel – Minister of Culture and Communication – Spokeswoman of the Government;
Éric Wœrth – Minister of Budget, Public Accounting and Civil Servants.

Secretaries of State

Roger Karoutchi – Secretary of State for Parliamentary Relations (under Fillon);
Éric Besson – Secretary of State for Economic Prospective and Evaluation of Public Policies (under Fillon);
Dominique Bussereau – Secretary of State for Transport (under Juppé);
Jean-Pierre Jouyet – Secretary of State for European Affairs (under Kouchner).

High Commissioner

Martin Hirsch – High Commissioner for Active Solidarities against Poverty.

Fillon's Second Government

Appointed on 19 June 2007[13]

François Fillon – Prime Minister.[14]

Ministers

Jean-Louis Borloo – Minister of State, Minister of Ecology and Sustainable Development and Planning;
Michèle Alliot-Marie – Minister of the Interior, Overseas and Territorial Collectivities;
Bernard Kouchner – Minister of Foreign and European Affairs;
Christine Lagarde – Minister of the Economy, Finance and Employment;
Brice Hortefeux – Minister of Immigration, Integration, National identity and Co-development;
Rachida Dati – Keeper of the seals, Minister of Justice;
Michel Barnier – Minister of Agriculture and Fishing;
Xavier Bertrand – Minister of Labour, Social Relations and Solidarity;
Xavier Darcos – Minister of National Education;
Valérie Pécresse – Minister of Higher Education and Research;
Hervé Morin – Minister of Defence;
Roselyne Bachelot-Narquin – Minister of Health, Youth Affairs and Sport;
Christine Boutin – Minister of Housing and City;
Christine Albanel – Minister of Culture and Communication;
Éric Wœrth – Minister of Budget, Public Accounting and Civil Servants.

Secretaries of State

Roger Karoutchi – Secretary of State for Parliamentary Relations (under Fillon);
Jean-Pierre Jouyet – Secretary of State for European Affairs (under Kouchner);
Laurent Wauquiez – Secretary of State, Spokesman of the Government (under Fillon);
Éric Besson – Secretary of State for Economic Prospective and Evaluation of Public Policies (under Fillon);
Valérie Létard – Secretary of State for Solidarity (under Bertrand);
Dominique Bussereau – Secretary of State for Transport (under Borloo);
Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet – Secretary of State for Ecology (under Borloo);
Christian Estrosi – Secretary of State for Overseas (under Alliot-Marie);
André Santini – Secretary of State for Civil Servants (under Wœrth);
Jean-Marie Bockel – Secretary of State for Cooperation and Francophony (under Kouchner);
Hervé Novelli – Secretary of State for Companies and Foreign Commerce (under Lagarde);
Fadela Amara – Secretary of State for Urban Policies (under Boutin);
Alain Marleix – Secretary of State for Veterans (under Morin);
Rama Yade – Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Human Rights (under Kouchner);
Luc Chatel – Secretary of State for Consumer affairs and Tourism (under Lagarde);
Bernard Laporte – Secretary of State for Sport (under Bachelot-Narquin).

High Commissioner

Martin Hirsch – High Commissioner for Active Solidarities against Poverty.

Shuffles
Appointment of Secretary of State for Sport

22 October 2007[15]

Bernard Laporte is appointed Secretary of State for Sport (under Bachelot-Narquin).

After Municipal Elections of 2008

18 March 2008[16]
There was a shuffle of the secretaries of state following the municipal elections of 16 March 2008.
New Secretaries of State

Yves Jégo is appointed Secretary of State for Overseas (under Alliot-Marie) to replace Christian Estrosi;
Hubert Falco is appointed Secretary of State for development of the territory (under Borloo);
Nadine Morano is appointed Secretary of State for Family (under Bertrand);
Christian Blanc is appointed Secretary of State for the development of the «Région Capitale» (Region of Paris) (under Borloo);
Anne-Marie Idrac is appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Commerce (under Lagarde);
Alain Joyandet is appointed Secretary of State for Cooperation and Francophony to replace Jean-Marie Bockel (under Kouchner).

Changes of attributions – Ministers

Jean-Louis Borloo – formerly Minister of State, Minister of Ecology and Sustainable Development and Planning becomes Minister of State, Minister of Ecology, Energy, Sustainable Development and Planning;
Christine Lagarde – formerly Minister of the Economy, Finance and Employment becomes Minister of the Economy, Industry and Employment;
Brice Hortefeux – formerly Minister of Immigration, Integration, National identity and Co-development becomes Minister of Immigration, Integration, National identity and Solidary development;
Xavier Bertrand – formerly Minister of Labour, Social Relations and Solidarity becomes Minister of Labour, Social Relations, Family and Solidarity;
Roselyne Bachelot-Narquin – formerly Minister of Health, Youth Affairs and Sport becomes Minister of Health, Youth Affairs, Sport and Associations.

Changes of attributions – Secretaries of State

Laurent Wauquiez formerly Spokesman of the Government, is appointed Secretary of State for Employment (under Lagarde);
Luc Chatel formerly Secretary of State for Consumer affairs and Tourism is appointed Secretary of State for Consumer affairs and Industry, Spokesman of the Government (under Lagarde);
Éric Besson – Secretary of State for Economic Prospective and Evaluation of Public Policies is now also in charge of the Development of digital economy (under Fillon);
Jean-Marie Bockel – formerly Secretary of State for Cooperation and Francophony (under Kouchner), becomes Secretary of State for Defense and Veterans (under Morin);
Alain Marleix – formerly Secretary of State for Veterans (under Morin) becomes Secretary of State for Local Collectivities (under Alliot-Marie);
Bernard Laporte – formerly Secretary of State for Sport becomes Secretary of State for Sport, Youth and Associations (under Bachelot-Narquin);
Hervé Novelli – formerly Secretary of State for Companies and Foreign Commerce (under Lagarde) becomes Secretary of State for commerce, craft, small and medium companies, tourism and services (under Lagarde).

In December 2008

Patrick Devedjian is appointed Minister under the Prime Minister in charge of the Implementation of the Recovery Plan;[17]
Bruno Le Maire replaces Jean-Pierre Jouyet as Secretary of State for European Affairs.[18]

In January 2009 – Xavier Bertrand becomes head of UMP[19]

Brice Hortefeux becomes Minister of Labour, Social Relations, Solidarity and City to replace Xavier Bertrand;
Éric Besson becomes Minister of Immigration, Integration, National identity and Solidary development;
Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet becomes Secretary of State for Economic Prospective and Development of digital economy (under Fillon);
Christine Boutin, formerly Minister of Housing and City becomes Minister of Housing;
Bernard Laporte becomes back Secretary of State for Sport;
Martin Hirsch becomes High Commissioner for Active Solidarities against Poverty and High Commissionner for Youth;
Létard, Amara, Morano and are now Secretaries of State with Hortefeux;
Woerth is now in charge of Evaluation of Public Policies;
Chantal Jouanno becomes Secretary of State for Ecology, replacing Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet.

In June 2009 – After the European parliamentary elections[20]

Jean-Louis Borloo – Minister of State, Minister of Ecology, Energy, Sustainable Development and Sea, in charge of green technologies and of climate change negotiations;
Michèle Alliot-Marie – Minister of State, Keeper of the seals, Minister of Justice and Freedoms;
Brice Hortefeux – Minister of the Interior, Overseas and Territorial Collectivities;
Xavier Darcos – Minister of Labour, Social Relations, Family and Solidarity;
Éric Wœrth – Minister of Budget, Public Accounting, Civil Servants and Reform of the State;
Luc Chatel – Minister of National Education, Spokesman of the Government;
Bruno Le Maire – Minister of Food, Agriculture and Fishing;
Frédéric Mitterrand – Minister of Culture and Communication;
Michel Mercier – Minister of Rural Space and Spatial Planning;
Henri de Raincourt – Minister of Parliamentary Relations (under Fillon);
Christian Estrosi – Minister of Industry (under Lagarde);
Valérie Létard – Secretary of State (under Borloo)
Jean-Marie Bockel – Secretary of State (under Alliot-Marie);
Hervé Novelli – Secretary of State for Commerce, Craftsmanship, Small and Medium Businesses, Tourism, Services and Consumer Rights (under Lagarde);
Rama Yade – Secretary of State for Sport (under Bachelot-Narquin);
Hubert Falco – Secretary of State for Defense and Veterans (under Morin);
Nadine Morano – Secretary of State for Family and Solidarity (under Darcos);
Pierre Lellouche – Secretary of State for European Affairs (under Kouchner);
Nora Berra – Secretary of State for the Elderly (under Darcos);
Benoist Apparu – Secretary of State for Housing and City (under Borloo);
Marie-Luce Penchard – Secretary of State for Overseas (under Hortefeux);
Christian Blanc – Secretary of State for the development of the «Région Capitale» (Region of Paris) (under Fillon).

In addition:

Bernard Kouchner;
Christine Lagarde;
Patrick Devedjian;
Valérie Pécresse;
Hervé Morin;
Roselyne Bachelot;
Eric Besson;
Laurent Wauquiez;
Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet;
Dominique Bussereau;
Fadela Amara;
Alain Marleix;
Anne-Marie Idrac;
Alain Joyandet;
Chantal Jouanno;
Martin Hirsch;

keep their current functions.
Resignation and Cabinet reshuffle

On 13 November 2010, Fillon resigned, paving the way for a cabinet reshuffle.[21] On 14 November 2010, French President Nicolas Sarkozy reappointed Fillion as Prime Minister, allowing Fillon to formally name a new cabinet.[22]

In 2012 in a country where foreign citizens are traditionally held to a devoir de réserve (non-involvement in politics) Fillon challenged the conviction accorded to Eva Joly (a French citizen but of Norwegian origin)'s expression. He subsequently suggested that Jews and Muslims abandon their traditional food practices (but has since apologised). Earlier as Minister for Education he had strongly advocated restriction on the wearing of religious signs in schools and other 'public' places.

Fillon resigned on 10 May 2012 with his cabinet, following the defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections. Following the inauguration of Hollande as President on 15 May 2012, Jean-Marc Ayrault, mayor of Nantes, was appointed as Prime Minister.
UMP presidential election

Aiming at building consensus within the diverging views at the UMP after Francois Hollande's victory in the French presidential elections in 2012, Francois Fillon declared his candidacy to become the President of the UMP party. On the day of the vote, both candidates François Fillon and Jean-François Copé claimed victory and accused the other of cheating. This led to a major political crisis within the party with votes being recounted twice and Jean-François Copé finally being declared winner.

François Fillon threatened to split from UMP unless new elections were organized. In December 2012, Jean-François Copé, finally agreed to organizing new elections in 2013, thus putting an end to the crisis. To this date,[when?] François Fillon has not announced whether he will run again.
Awards and honours

Grand Cross of the Ordre national du Mérite (21 November 2007 – Automatic six months after taking office)[23]
Order of the Paulownia Flowers
Order of the Rising Sun, Grand Cordon, awarded on 9 May 2013

References

"Communiqué de la Présidence de la République concernant la nomination du Premier ministre" (in French). Élysée Palace. 17 May 2007. Retrieved 17 May 2007.
"Décret du 17 mai 2007 portant nomination du Premier ministre" (in French). Legifrance.gouv.fr. Retrieved 4 August 2010.
"Décès d'Anne Fillon, mère de l'ex-Premier ministre". Ouest France. France. 17 August 2012. Retrieved 18 November 2014.
Willsher, Kim; Finan, Tim (7 May 2007). "Welshwoman prepares for life in French No 10". The Daily Telegraph. UK. Retrieved 12 May 2007.
Chrisafis, Angelique (18 May 2007). "Anglophile Fillon is new French PM". The Guardian. UK. Retrieved 18 May 2007.
Campbell, Matthew (7 October 2007). "Madame Rosbif pricks Gallic pride". The Times. UK. Retrieved 7 October 2007.
Chrisafis, Angelique (6 May 2007). "Sarkozy's first hundred days". The Guardian. UK. Retrieved 12 May 2007.
"François Fillon – Minister for National Education, Higher Education and Research". Embassy of France in the United States. 31 March 2004. Archived from the original on 10 May 2007. Retrieved 12 May 2007.
"Le Mans racer to be France's next Prime Minister?". GrandPrix.com. 7 May 2007. Retrieved 12 May 2007.
"behind the title Pierre Fillon". sportscar365.com. 9 June 2015. Retrieved 23 August 2016.
Communiqué de la Présidence de la République concernant la composition du gouvernement de M. François FILLON, Premier ministre. Archived 20 May 2007 at the Wayback Machine. Élysée Palace, 18 May 2007
La mise en examen de M. Santini n'a pas empêché sa nomination au gouvernement, Le Monde, 22 June 2007 (French)
Communiqué de la Présidence de la République annonçant la composition du gouvernement. Élysée Palace, 19 June 2007
Communiqué de la Présidence de la République concernant la démission du gouvernement de M. François FILLON. Archived 21 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine. Élysée Palace, 18 June 2007
"Bernard Laporte, secrétaire d'Etat chargé des sports". Elysee.fr. Retrieved 4 August 2010.
"Décret de nomination du gouvernement" (PDF). Retrieved 4 August 2010.
"Décret de nomination du gouvernement". Elysee.fr. Retrieved 4 August 2010.
M. Bruno LE MAIRE secrétaire d’État chargé des affaires européennes – 12 December 2008
"Nomination au gouvernement". Elysee.fr. Retrieved 4 August 2010.
Composition du nouveau gouvernement Archived 26 June 2009 at the Wayback Machine. – 23-06-09
AFP: Sarkozy clears decks for French government reshuffle
"French Prime Minister Reappointed". The New York Times. 14 November 2010. Retrieved 14 November 2010.
[1][dead link]

Enfance et études

D'origine modeste, il devient, à vingt-quatre ans, professeur agrégé d'histoire et de géographie. Il enseigne en classes préparatoires à l'École spéciale militaire de Saint-Cyr, au Prytanée militaire de La Flèche.
Carrière politique
Député

Aux élections législatives de 1958, Joël Le Theule se présente, sans trop d'espoir, contre Christian Pineau, député SFIO catholique sortant de la Sarthe, ministre des Affaires étrangères successif des cabinets Guy Mollet, Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury et Félix Gaillard, pendant la Quatrième République.

Il est pourtant largement élu devant lui et reste député gaulliste (UNR, UD-Ve République, UDR) de la Sarthe de 1958 jusqu'en 1968 et de 1969 à 1976. À l'Assemblée nationale, il s'investit particulièrement dans la commission de la défense nationale et des forces armées, notamment sur le financement de la force de frappe décidée par le général de Gaulle, où il s'impose par la qualité et le sérieux de ses rapports parlementaires. Il devient vice-président de la commission en 1966 puis président, de 1967 à 1968.

Il est également élu maire de Sablé-sur-Sarthe en 1959, poste qu'il occupe jusqu'à son décès en 1980 et conseiller général de la Sarthe.
Un fin politique

Joël Le Theule acquiert une réputation de fin politique, rompu dans l'art de la manœuvre. Il sait s'attirer de sérieuses inimitiés dans son propre camp, notamment de la part de Jacques Chirac. Son successeur, François Fillon, aurait dit : « Le Theule était haï de Chirac autant pour ses penchants que parce qu'il le soupçonnait d'avoir prêté la main dans l'affaire Markovic, qui déstabilisa Pompidou »2, les penchants faisant référence à l'homosexualité alléguée de Joël Le Theule3.

Valéry Giscard d'Estaing a écrit de lui : « Il était devenu pour moi, au fil des mois, un véritable ami. La réserve discrète de son caractère ne faisait pas obstacle à l'expression chaleureuse de sa confiance et de sa bienveillance »4.
Ministre

Joël Le Theule est ministre des Départements et Territoires d'Outre-Mer à la suite du remaniement du dernier gouvernement Pompidou, du 31 mai au 10 juillet 1968, puis secrétaire d'État auprès du Premier ministre, chargé de l'Information, du 10 juillet 1968 au 20 juin 1969 dans le gouvernement Maurice Couve de Murville. Dans le cadre de ces fonctions, il est notamment chargé de reprendre en main le personnel qui s'était montré rebelle au gouvernement pendant les évènements de mai 1968.

Il redevient ministre sous Valéry Giscard d'Estaing comme ministre des Transports, du 31 mars 1978 au 2 octobre 1980, puis de la Défense du 2 octobre au 14 décembre 1980 dans le troisième gouvernement de Raymond Barre.
Un décès foudroyant

Le 14 décembre 1980, victime d'un malaise cardiaque, Joël Le Theule est conduit aux urgences de Sablé par son collaborateur le plus proche, François Fillon5. À la descente du véhicule automobile, il perd connaissance et décède quasiment dans les bras de ce dernier5. Les médecins tentent alors sans succès pendant trois heures de le réanimer5. Ses obsèques ont lieu à Sablé en présence du président de la République, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. Il y est inhumé.

François Fillon, qui a été son attaché parlementaire puis son conseiller ministériel, reprend alors ses mandats comme conseiller général, maire de Sablé-sur-Sarthe et député de la Sarthe.
Postérité

Un bâtiment porte son nom à Sablé : le centre culturel Joël Le Theule. Le centre technique de la Bibliothèque nationale de France installé au château de Sablé est également baptisé en son honneur.
Bibliographie

« Joël Le Theule, député compétent, ministre courageux », Les Échos, 15 décembre 1980
« Joël Le Theule, dévoué à la chose publique », Jacques Isnard et André Laurens, Le Monde, 16 décembre 1980, p. 8
« Joël Le Theule, un homme tout entier au service de l'Etat et de la cité », avec plusieurs articles, Ouest-France, 15 décembre 1980 ; « Des obsèques nationales aujourd'hui à Sablé pour Joël Le Theule », avec plusieurs articles, Ouest-France (Sarthe), 16 décembre 1980
Dictionnaire des ministres (1789-1989), Benoît Yvert (direction), p. 954, Perrin, Paris, 1990

Sources

Les papiers personnels de Joël Le Theule sont conservés aux Archives nationales sous la cote 571AP6.
Notes et références

↑ La fiche biographique [archive] de l’Assemblée nationale indique dans la même page les deux lieux.
↑ V. Jacques Chirac, Mémoires*, Chaque pas doit être un but, p. 124, NiL, Paris, 2009 (ISBN 978-2-84111-393-4)
↑ [1] [archive] Le Monde 17 mai 2007.
↑ Lettre à Mme Le Theule, 15 décembre 1980
↑ a, b et c Christine Kelly, « Secrets de jeunesse », L'Express,‎ 14 novembre 2007 (lire en ligne [archive])
↑ Voir la notice dans la salle des inventaires virtuelle des Archives nationales [archive]

Annexes

Fonds Joël Le Theule, Archives Nationales, section des archives privées, 571 AP, 40 cartons, 8 mètres linéaires

Biographie

Roland Charles Marie Le Gras du Luart de Montsaulnin est le neuvième marquis du Luart, ancienne famille anoblie en 1589 et faite marquis sous Louis XV en 1726. Exploitant agricole et forestier, Roland est maire du Luart de 1965 à 2001.

A 37 ans il est élu sénateur de la Sarthe le 25 septembre 1977. Réélu le 28 septembre 1986, le 24 septembre 1995 et le 26 septembre 2004, il est secrétaire du Sénat du 7 octobre 1980 au 4 octobre 1989 et en est vice-président de 2004 à 2014.

Le 25 mars 1979, il est élu conseiller général du canton de Tuffé puis réélu en 1985, 1992, 1998 et 2004. Il est président du Conseil général de la Sarthe le 23 mars 1998 en succédant à François Fillon, élu président du Conseil régional des Pays de la Loire.

Il est depuis 2014 le président du Jockey Club de Paris, succédant à François-Eugène de Cossé, duc de Brissac.
Mandats

Sénateur

25/09/1977 - 28/09/1986 : sénateur de la Sarthe
29/09/1986 - 24/09/1995 : sénateur de la Sarthe
25/09/1995 - 26/09/2004 : sénateur de la Sarthe
27/09/2004 - 30/09/2014 : sénateur de la Sarthe (voir Élections sénatoriales de 2004 dans la Sarthe)

Vice-président du Sénat

Conseiller général

25/03/1979 - 17/03/1985 : membre du Conseil général de la Sarthe (élu dans le canton de Tuffé)
18/03/1985 - 29/03/1992 : membre du Conseil général de la Sarthe
29/03/1992 - 22/03/1998 : membre du Conseil général de la Sarthe
22/03/1998 - 28/03/2004 : président du Conseil général de la Sarthe
29/03/2004 - 31/03/2011 : président du Conseil général de la Sarthe

Conseiller municipal / Maire

1965 - 2001 : maire du Luart
Depuis 2001 : adjoint au maire du Luart

Mandats intercommunaux

Président de la Communauté de communes du Pays de l'Huisne Sarthoise

Articles connexes

Familles subsistantes de la noblesse française (Famille Le Gras du Luart

Richelieu was a famous patron of the arts. An author of various religious and political works (most notably his Political Testament), he sent his agents abroad[66] in search of books and manuscripts for his unrivaled library, which he specified in his will, leaving it to his great-nephew fully funded, should serve, not merely his family but to be open at fixed hours to scholars; the manuscripts alone numbered some 900, bound as codices in red Morocco with the cardinal's arms. The library was transferred to the Sorbonne in 1660.[67] He funded the literary careers of many writers. He was a lover of the theatre, which was not considered a respectable art form during that era; a private theatre was a feature of the Palais-Cardinal. Among the individuals he patronized was the famous playwright Pierre Corneille.[68] Richelieu was also the founder and patron of the Académie française, the pre-eminent French literary society.[69] The institution had previously been in informal existence; in 1635, however, Cardinal Richelieu obtained official letters patent for the body. The Académie française includes forty members, promotes French literature, and remains the official authority on the French language. Richelieu served as the Académie's protector. Since 1672, that role has been fulfilled by the French head of state.[citation needed]

In 1622, Richelieu was elected the proviseur or principal of the Sorbonne.[70] He presided over the renovation of the college's buildings, and over the construction of its famous chapel, where he is now entombed. As he was Bishop of Luçon, his statue stands outside the Luçon cathedral.[citation needed]
Bust of Cardinal Richelieu by Gianlorenzo Bernini.

Richelieu oversaw the construction of his own palace in Paris, the Palais-Cardinal.[71] The palace, renamed the Palais Royal after Richelieu's death, now houses the French Constitutional Council, the Ministry of Culture, and the Conseil d'État. The Galerie de l'avant-cour had ceiling paintings by the Cardinal's chief portraitist, Philippe de Champaigne, celebrating the major events of the Cardinal's career; the Galerie des hommes illustres had twenty-six historicizing portraits of great men, larger than life, from Abbot Suger to Louis XIII; some were by Simon Vouet others were careful copies by Philippe de Champaigne from known portraits;[72] with them were busts of Roman emperors. Another series of portraits of authors complemented the library. The architect of the Palais-Cardinal, Jacques Lemercier, also received a commission to build a château and a surrounding town in Indre-et-Loire; the project culminated in the construction of the Château Richelieu and the town of Richelieu. To the château, he added one of the largest art collections in Europe and the largest collection of ancient Roman sculpture in France. The heavily resurfaced and restored Richelieu Bacchus continued to be admired by neoclassical artists.[73] Among his 300 paintings by moderns, most notably, he owned Leonardo's Virgin and Child with Saint Anne, The Family of the Virgin by Andrea del Sarto, the two famous Bacchanales of Nicolas Poussin, as well as paintings by Veronese and Titian, and Diana at the Bath by Rubens, for which he was so glad to pay the artist's heirs 3,000 écus, that he made a gift to Rubens' widow of a diamond-encrusted watch. His marble portrait bust by Bernini was not considered a good likeness and was banished to a passageway.[74]
The Richelieu Bacchus continued to be admired by neoclassical artists, (Louvre Museum)[75]

The fittings of his chapel in the Palais-Cardinal, for which Simon Vouet executed the paintings, were of solid gold—crucifix, chalice, paten, ciborium, candelsticks—set with 180 rubies and 9,000 diamonds.[76] His taste also ran to massive silver, small bronzes and works of vertu, enamels and rock crystal mounted in gold, Chinese porcelains, tapestries and Persian carpets, cabinets from Italy and Antwerp and the heart-shaped diamond bought from Alphonse Lopez that he willed to the king. When the Palais-Cardinal was complete, he donated it to the Crown, in 1636. With the Queen in residence, the paintings of the Grand Cabinet were transferred to Fontainebleau and replaced by copies, and the interiors were subjected to much rearrangement.[citation needed]

Michelangelo's two Slaves were among the rich appointments of the château Richelieu, where there were the Nativity triptych by Dürer and paintings by Mantegna, Lorenzo Costa and Perugino, lifted from the Gonzaga collection at Mantua by French military forces in 1630, as well as numerous antiquities.[citation needed]
Legacy

Richelieu's tenure was a crucial period of reform for France. Earlier, the nation's political structure was largely feudal, with powerful nobles and a wide variety of laws in different regions.[77] Parts of the nobility periodically conspired against the King, raised private armies, and allied themselves with foreign powers. This system gave way to centralized power under Richelieu.[78] Local and even religious interests were subordinated to those of the whole nation, and of the embodiment of the nation — the King. Equally critical for France was Richelieu's foreign policy, which helped restrain Habsburg influence in Europe. Richelieu did not survive to the end of the Thirty Years' War. However, the conflict ended in 1648, with France emerging in a far better position than any other power, and the Holy Roman Empire entering a period of decline.

Richelieu's successes were extremely important to Louis XIII's successor, King Louis XIV. He continued Richelieu's work of creating an absolute monarchy; in the same vein as the Cardinal, he enacted policies that further suppressed the once-mighty aristocracy, and utterly destroyed all remnants of Huguenot political power with the Edict of Fontainebleau. Moreover, Louis took advantage of his nation's success during the Thirty Years' War to establish French hegemony in continental Europe. Thus, Richelieu's policies were the requisite prelude to Louis XIV becoming the most powerful monarch, and France the most powerful nation, in all of Europe during the late seventeenth century.[citation needed]

Richelieu is also notable for the authoritarian measures he employed to maintain power. He censored the press,[79] established a large network of internal spies, forbade the discussion of political matters in public assemblies such as the Parlement de Paris (a court of justice), and had those who dared to conspire against him prosecuted and executed. The Canadian historian and philosopher John Ralston Saul has referred to Richelieu as the "father of the modern nation-state, modern centralised power [and] the modern secret service."

Richelieu's motives are the focus of much debate among historians: some see him as a patriotic supporter of the monarchy, while others view him as a power-hungry cynic. The latter image gained further currency due to Alexandre Dumas' The Three Musketeers, which depicts Richelieu as a self-serving and ruthless de facto ruler of France.

Despite such arguments, Richelieu remains an honoured personality in France. He has given his name to a battleship and a battleship class.

His legacy is also important for the world at large; his ideas of a strong nation-state and aggressive foreign policy helped create the modern system of international politics. The notions of national sovereignty and international law can be traced, at least in part, to Richelieu's policies and theories, especially as enunciated in the Treaty of Westphalia that ended the Thirty Years' War.

A less renowned aspect of his legacy is his involvement with Samuel de Champlain and the fledgling colony along the St. Lawrence River. The retention and promotion of Canada under Richelieu allowed it — and through the settlement's strategic location, the St. Lawrence – Great Lakes gateway into the North American interior — to develop into a French empire in North America—parts of which eventually became modern Canada and Louisiana.
Portrayals in fiction

As of April 2013, the Internet Movie Database lists ninety-four films and television programs in which Cardinal Richelieu is a character. Richelieu is one of the clergymen most frequently portrayed in film, notably in the many versions of Alexandre Dumas's The Three Musketeers. He is usually portrayed as a sinister character, but the 1950 Cyrano de Bergerac shows Richelieu (played by Edgar Barrier in a scene not from Rostand's original verse drama), as compassionate to Cyrano's financial plight, and playfully having enjoyed the duel at the theatre. Charlton Heston, Tcheky Karyo, Stephen Rea, Tim Curry and Vincent Price are just a few of the actors to have portrayed Cardinal Richelieu on film and television.

The 1839 play Richelieu; Or the Conspiracy, by Edward Bulwer-Lytton, portrayed Richelieu uttering the now famous line, "The pen is mightier than the sword." The 1935 Cardinal Richelieu, a semi-fictional film treatment of incidents in his career with George Arliss in the role, was based on the play.

Raymond Massey played Richelieu in Under the Red Robe (1937), based on Stanley J. Weyman's swashbuckling novel of the same title. Likewise an earlier 1923 silent film was produced Under the Red Robe directed by Alan Crosland.

Poet Christopher Logue portrayed Richelieu in the Ken Russell film, The Devils (1971), based on Aldous Huxley's The Devils of Loudun. He is depicted as cruel and scheming, the true power behind the throne, and also as wheelchair-bound, although at the time of the events depicted, Richelieu was not bed-ridden, as he later became.

Michel Noir, né le 19 mai 1944 à Lyon (Rhône), est un homme politique français qui a été maire de Lyon. Condamné dans l'affaire Pierre Botton, il doit abandonner la politique et rejoint le monde des affaires en créant une startup d'informatique.

Sommaire

1 Biographie
1.1 Vie politique
1.2 Fin de carrière politique
2 Bibliographie
3 Notes et références
4 Liens externes

Biographie

Michel Noir est le fils d'un joaillier sertisseur et de Rose Dreyer. Entre 1968 et 1972, Michel Noir est un chef de produit puis le directeur commercial d'une filiale aluminium du groupe Brossette Péchiney. Entre 1972 et 1978, il devient consultant indépendant en marketing et relations humaines.
Vie politique

Entre 1977 et 1995, il est élu conseiller municipal de Lyon. En 1977, il devient secrétaire de la COURLY. En 1978, il est député RPR de Lyon. Réélu en 1981, 1986, 1988 et 1993, il démissionne en 1995. En 1979, il devient secrétaire national du RPR.

En mars 1983 : il tente de ravir la mairie de Lyon au candidat sortant, Francisque Collomb (UDF). Il échoue de peu tout en ayant remporté deux mairies d'arrondissement. La même année, il devient vice-président du conseil régional de Rhône-Alpes et vice-président de la COURLY. Et entre 1983 et 1989, il est adjoint au maire, chargé des affaires économiques.

Entre 1986 et 1988, Michel Noir est nommé ministre du Commerce extérieur du gouvernement de Jacques Chirac.

En mai 1987, pour protester contre les éventuelles alliances avec le FN, il publie dans Le Monde une tribune contenant une phrase restée célèbre : « Mieux vaut perdre les élections que perdre son âme »1.

En mars 1989, il affronte de nouveau le maire de Lyon, Francisque Collomb, dans une primaire opposant l'UDF et le RPR. La victoire de Michel Noir est totale, il remporte les neuf mairies d'arrondissement. Entre 1989 et 1995, il est maire de Lyon et président de la COURLY.

En 1990, il quitte le RPR et crée le mouvement « Force unie » avec onze autres « rénovateurs », dont Philippe Séguin, Étienne Pinte, François Léotard, Alain Carignon, Michel Barnier et Michèle Barzach2. Michel Noir entraîne deux autres députés dans sa démission spectaculaire, avec pour objectif de provoquer des élections partielles. Si Jean-Michel Dubernard et lui sont réélus à Lyon, Michèle Barzach perd l'élection législative partielle.
Fin de carrière politique

En mars 1993, Michel Noir est mis en examen par le juge Philippe Courroye.

En 1996 : il doit quitter la vie politique après sa condamnation en appel, le 10 janvier 1996, à 18 mois de prison avec sursis et 5 ans d'inéligibilité pour recel d’abus de biens sociaux dans l'affaire Pierre Botton, son ex-gendre et directeur de campagne3.

En 1998, il reprend ses études et effectue un doctorat de sciences de l'éducation. En 2000, il a ensuite créé une entreprise, Scientific Brain Training située à Villeurbanne, spécialisée dans les produits innovants destinés à entraîner et optimiser la mémoire, en compagnie du docteur Bernard Croisile, neurologue, et de Frank Tarpin-Bernard, informaticien.

En 2002, il a soutenu une thèse sous la direction de Michel Develay, intitulée Le développement des habiletés cognitives de l'enfant par la pratique du jeu d'échecs 4.

En 2003, il est définitivement condamné dans l'affaire dite des "comptes suisses" à 18 mois de prison avec sursis et 15 000 euros d'amende pour abus et recel de biens sociaux5.

En 2005, le chiffre d'affaires de Scientific Brain Training (SBT) atteint 1,8 million d'euros dont 60 % à l'export. En 2006, son entreprise, Scientific Brain Training (SBT), effectue le 2 mai une entrée en bourse sur le marché libre.
Bibliographie

Réussir une campagne électorale : suivre l'exemple américain ?, Éditions d'Organisation (1977). Essai sur l'application des techniques de marketing en politique à partir de l'analyse de la campagne électorale de Jimmy Carter.
1988, le grand rendez-vous, Lattès (1985). Essai
La chasse au mammouth, Robert Laffont (1989). Essai
J'entends une fourmi, La différence (1994). Recueil de poésie haïku.
Bénédicte, Lattès (1996). Roman.
L'officine, Calmann-Lévy (1997). Roman policier.
L'otage, Calmann-Lévy (1998). Roman policier.
Le réseau Copernic, Actes Sud (2000). Roman policier.
90 exercices de concentration, Marabout (2004).
Guide Marabout de la Mémoire, Marabout (2004).
Neurones en forme, France-Loisirs (2003).
Initiation aux échecs, Marabout (2005).
Dental Floss for the Mind, McGraw Hill (2005) en collaboration avec B. Croisile
Get your Brain in the Fast Lane, McGraw Hill (2006) en collaboration avec B. Croisile
Brocoli for the Brain, MacGraw Hill (2008) en collaboration avec B. Croisile

Notes et références

↑ http://discours.vie-publique.fr/notices/873115900.html [archive]
↑ Vidéo du lancement du mouvement sur le site de l'INA. [archive].
↑ Prison avec sursis pour Michel Noir [archive], Le nouvel Observateur, 16 novembre 2003
↑ « thèse de Michel Noir sur le site de l'Université de Lyon II » [archive].
↑ Prison avec sursis pour Michel Noir [archive], Le Parisien, 15 novembre 2003

Liens externes

Notices d'autoritéVoir et modifier les données sur Wikidata : Fichier d'autorité international virtuel • International Standard Name Identifier • Bibliothèque nationale de France (données) • Système universitaire de documentation
Blog officiel
Sa fiche biographique sur le site de l'Assemblée nationale

Michèle Barzach, née le 11 juillet 1943 à Casablanca (Maroc), est médecin gynécologue, psychanalyste et femme politique. Elle fut ministre de la Santé et de la Famille dans le second gouvernement Chirac, de 1986 à 1988. De 2012 à 2015, elle a été présidente de l'UNICEF France1.

Sommaire

1 Biographie
1.1 Jeunesse et études
1.2 Carrière politique
1.2.1 Ministre de la Santé
1.2.2 Au sein du RPR
1.2.3 OMS et UNICEF
2 Décoration
3 Formation
4 Profession
5 Engagement politique
6 Responsabilités internationales
7 Ouvrages publiés
8 Séminaires
9 Notes et références
10 Liens externes

Biographie
Jeunesse et études

Elle est gynécologue de formation.
Cette section est vide, insuffisamment détaillée ou incomplète. Votre aide est la bienvenue !
Carrière politique
Ministre de la Santé

Le 6 mai 1986, soit une semaine après la catastrophe de Tchernobyl et le passage du nuage radioactif sur la France et le Benelux, la voix du gouvernement portée par Michèle Barzach, alors ministre de la Santé, jugea que le nuage de Tchernobyl n'avait pas contaminé la France et qu'il n'y avait aucune précaution particulière à prendre liée à la santé publique.

Michèle Barzach exerce alors sa tutelle sur le Service central de protection contre les rayonnements ionisants (SCPRI) dirigé par le professeur Pierre Pellerin.

Elle publie notamment deux communiqués indiquant que la population et notamment les femmes enceintes n'ont pas à prendre de précaution particulière. Le compte-rendu d'une réunion interministérielle précisa de manière concrète et évaluée l'état de risque sanitaire de la France à ce moment.

La même année, prenant en compte la maladie du sida, et s'opposant à la plupart de ceux de son camp, elle souhaite faire la promotion du seul dispositif capable d'éviter la contamination au VIH, le préservatif, et pour cela, doit faire voter une loi. En effet, la publicité pour le préservatif est interdite depuis longtemps, car il est considéré comme un anticonceptionnel. La loi votée, elle lance alors une campagne d'information sur le préservatif et en fait autoriser la publicité à la télévision.

Un an plus tard, le 13 mai 1987, elle signe un décret qui autorise la vente libre de seringues en pharmacie, mesure qui permettra une limitation de la contamination des toxicomanes par différents virus, notamment le VIH et le virus de l'hépatite C, et signera le début d'une politique de réduction des risques en cette matière, en opposition à la loi de 1970 sur les drogues.
Au sein du RPR

Elle fut candidate malheureuse au Comité directeur du RPR, pour être par la suite dégagée de toute responsabilité, du fait de son rapprochement avec le mouvement transpartisan des « Rénovateurs », incarné en 1989-1990, au sein du parti gaulliste, par Michel Noir, Philippe Séguin, Étienne Pinte et Michel Barnier, rejoignant notamment en mars 1990 le mouvement Force unie. Pour redynamiser son action politique enlisée au sein du RPR, Michel Noir entraîne deux autres députés dans sa démission spectaculaire, avec pour objectif de provoquer des élections partielles. Si Jean-Michel Dubernard et Michel Noir sont réélus à Lyon, Michèle Barzach perd l'élection législative partielle de février 1991 dans le quinzième arrondissement face au maire chiraquien René Galy-Dejean.

Elle a été élue députée européenne en juin 1989 sur la liste UDF-RPR de Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, mais a démissionné la même année, en même temps qu'Alain Juppé, Alain Madelin et Claude Allègre.

En 1996, elle anime avec Simone Veil un manifeste pour la parité en politique, qui aboutit à une loi constitutionnelle en 1999.
OMS et UNICEF

Elle fait aujourd'hui notamment partie de l'Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS). Elle est aussi présidente de l'association Les Amis du Fonds mondial Europe qui vise à promouvoir les actions du Fonds mondial dans sa lutte contre le sida, la tuberculose et le paludisme.

Le 5 juin 2012, elle est élue à la tête de UNICEF-France et reste en poste jusqu'au 23 juin 20152.
Décoration

Elle a reçu le 14 juillet 2008 l'insigne d'officier de la Légion d'honneur des mains de Nicolas Sarkozy.
Formation

Études secondaires à Casablanca (Maroc)
Études médicales à la faculté de médecine de Paris
Ancienne externe des hôpitaux de Paris
CES de gynécologie
Lauréate de la faculté de médecine de Paris
Attachée à l'hôpital de Neuilly

Profession

Exercice libéral de 1970 à 1986 à Paris : gynécologue et psychanalyste

Engagement politique

Conseillère d'arrondissement puis maire-adjointe du 15e arrondissement (1983-1986)
Conseillère régionale d'Île-de-France (1986-1988)
Ministre de la Santé et de la Famille (1986 -1988)
Députée de Paris (1988-1990)
Députée européenne (1989)
Conseillère de Paris et adjointe au Maire de Paris (1989 -1995)
Adjointe au Maire de Paris chargée des affaires sociales et de la santé (1989-1990)

Responsabilités internationales

Représentante spéciale du Directeur général de l'OMS pour la Coopération internationale 1992.
Présidente de la Fondation GlaxoSmithKline
Membre fondatrice de l'OIMP (Organisation internationale des médecins parlementaires).
Directrice régionale de l'OIMP pour l'Europe.
Tables rondes, débats, missions sur le SIDA (Paris, Afrique, OMS).
Missions humanitaires d'exploration et d'évaluation pour « Médecins du Monde » depuis 1990.
Membre du comité scientifique de l'association « Équilibres et populations ».
Membre du conseil consultatif européen pour le « Project Hope » depuis 1991.

Conseil international en stratégie de santé (Michèle Barzach Santé International) :
Industries de santé
Gouvernements
Organisations institutionnelles : OMS, Banque mondiale
Missions à l'étranger : Afghanistan, Cambodge, Chine, Colombie, Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Érythrée, Guatémala, Nicaragua, Ouganda, Salvador, Tanzanie, Vietnam, Europe de l'Est.

Ouvrages publiés

Le Paravent des égoïsmes, Odile Jacob, 1989
Vérités et tabous, Éditions du Seuil, 1994

Séminaires

Creative Problem Solving Institute Buffalo (État de New-York), 1973-1974
Relations humaines et créativité dans l'entreprise (Créargie et Théracie), 1972 à 1976
Fondation Claude Pompidou - Études des motivations des responsables du bénévolat dans les hôpitaux
Organisation d'un séminaire de Bruno Bettelheim en France en 1975 : l'enfant autiste
Thérapie de groupes (Théracie 1974-1976)

Notes et références

↑ Site officiel de l'Unicef France. Fin du mandat de Mme Barzach [archive]
↑ « Michèle Barzach élue à la tête de l’UNICEF France » [archive], Le Quotidien du médecin, 5 juin 2012.

Dominique Baudis, né le 14 avril 1947 à Paris (9e arrondissement) et mort le 10 avril 2014 (à 66 ans) à Paris (5e arrondissement) est un journaliste, écrivain et homme politique français. Il a notamment été journaliste de télévision, puis maire de Toulouse, député, président du conseil régional de Midi-Pyrénées, député européen, puis président du Conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel (CSA) et Défenseur des droits.

Sommaire

1 Biographie
1.1 Famille et études
1.2 Carrière journalistique
1.3 Carrière politique
1.4 Conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel
1.5 Retour en politique
1.6 Défenseur des droits
1.7 Mort et hommages
1.8 Vie privée
2 Décorations
3 Affaire Alègre
4 Présentateur de Télévision
5 Œuvres
6 Notes et références
7 Voir aussi
7.1 Articles connexes
7.2 Liens externes

Biographie
Famille et études

Fils de l'homme politique Pierre Baudis, il effectue ses études au collège du Caousou à Toulouse, puis à Paris au lycée Fénelon Sainte-Marie. Il effectue sa terminale philo au Lycée Carnot en 1964. Il obtient son diplôme de l'Institut d'études politiques de Paris (Service Public) en 1968.
Carrière journalistique

En 1965, Dominique Baudis devient responsable du mouvement des Jeunes démocrates, et en 1971, il part au Liban et devient journaliste de radio et de télévision à Beyrouth jusqu'au début de la guerre civile libanaise en 1975. Il devient ensuite correspondant de TF1 (alors chaîne publique) pour le Proche-Orient. Sa carrière journalistique l'amène à devenir grand reporter pour TF1 de 1976 à 1977, puis présentateur du journal télévisé de 20 h de la même chaîne de 1977 à 19801, et celui du Soir 3 de FR3 jusqu'en 1982. Cette même année, il est chargé par FR3 d'assurer les relations avec le Sénat2.
Carrière politique

Encore étudiant et président du Mouvement des jeunes démocrates, il est élu en mars 1971 conseiller municipal de Boulogne-Billancourt sur la liste menée par Georges Gorse.

Il quitte l'audiovisuel public fin 1982, pour être candidat à la succession de son père, Pierre Baudis, maire de Toulouse de 1971 à 19833. Il est élu en mars 1983 lors des élections municipales, sous l'étiquette du CDS, composante de l'UDF, tout en affirmant une ligne d'ouverture politique4. Les fois suivantes, il est réélu jusqu'aux élections de 1995 dès le premier tour, avec 55 % des voix. L'universitaire Stéphane Beaumont rappelé qu'en tant que maire, il fut « l'homme de l'endettement zéro ». Il a également participé à transformer la ville en grande métropole économique et universitaire et lancé le métro de Toulouse. Il refuse plusieurs fois de devenir ministre afin de se consacrer à sa ville5.

En 1984, il est aussi élu au Parlement européen pour quatre ans.

En 1985, il devient également conseiller général de la Haute-Garonne, pour cinq ans.

En 1986, il est élu au Conseil régional de Midi-Pyrénées, dont il devient le président. Enfin, la même année, il est élu député à l'Assemblée nationale, mandat dont il démissionne au profit de son père Pierre, il sera réélu en 1988, en 1993 et en 1997. Il est alors un des responsables de Force démocrate, parti faisant partie de la confédération de partis nommée UDF.

En 1989, il fait partie du courant des « rénovateurs », avec Michel Noir, François Bayrou, Philippe Séguin ou encore Alain Carignon, leur ambition (avortée) étant de lancer un parti unique de la droite et du centre (à partir du RPR et de l'UDF) en écartant Jacques Chirac et Valéry Giscard d'Estaing. Il demande ainsi personnellement à la télévision le départ de ce-dernier de la vie politique5.

En 1994, il conduit la liste UDF-RPR qui recueille 25,58 % des voix et arrive en tête des élections européennes ; initialement créditée de 40 % dans les sondages, la liste doit pâtir de la dissidence de Philippe de Villiers, encouragé par Charles Pasqua5.

En 1998, il devient membre du bureau politique et du conseil de la présidence de l’UDF.
Conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel

En mai 2000, succédant à Alain Peyrefitte, il devient pour un an le président du comité éditorial du quotidien français Le Figaro5.

Il démissionne de tous ses mandats électifs, lorsque le président de la République Jacques Chirac lui propose de devenir président du Conseil supérieur de l'audiovisuel (CSA). Il laisse également ouverte sa succession au poste de maire de Toulouse, qui sera gagnée par Philippe Douste-Blazy aux élections municipales suivantes. Sa nomination au CSA fut contestée, son impartialité étant mise en cause par certains hommes politiques de gauche, tels François Hollande et Robert Hue6. Sa présidence a été marquée par le lancement de la Télévision numérique terrestre (TNT) en 2005 et la lutte contre la pornographie.

Après avoir quitté ses fonctions de président du CSA en janvier 2007 (remplacé par Michel Boyon), il est élu président de l'Institut du monde arabe en février 20077.
Retour en politique

En janvier 2009, il est désigné tête de liste UMP de la circonscription Sud-Ouest comptant 6 200 794 électeurs inscrits pour les élections européennes de 2009. Le 7 juin 2009, la liste de la majorité présidentielle qu'il conduit est celle qui obtient le plus de voix : 705 900 et 26,89 % des suffrages exprimés, ce qui permet à sa liste d'obtenir quatre sièges au Parlement européen, loin devant la liste du Parti socialiste conduite par Kader Arif. Sa liste a obtenu une majorité relative de voix dans les trois régions de la circonscription Sud-Ouest, tout comme dans la très grande majorité des villes les plus grandes de cette circonscription, notamment à Toulouse où il dépasse le seuil symbolique des 30 %. Lors de ces élections, la majorité présidentielle a doublé ses députés par rapport au dernier scrutin de 2004.

Le 16 juillet 2009, il est élu vice-président de la commission des affaires étrangères du Parlement européen. Il est membre de la délégation pour les relations avec les pays du Machrek (Égypte, Jordanie, Liban et Syrie) et de la délégation à l'Assemblée parlementaire euro-méditerranéenne.

Le 10 novembre 2009, il est nommé rapporteur sur l'accord d'association sur la Syrie, en négociation depuis 2004.

Fin octobre 2010, il est chargé par le Parlement de réaliser une étude des relations entre l'Union européenne et le Conseil de coopération du Golfe. Après une audition publique au Parlement européen, il rédige un rapport qui est adopté par celui-ci le 24 mars 2011 en session plénière8.
Défenseur des droits

Président de l'Institut du monde arabe, président de l'Autorité de régulation professionnelle de la publicité depuis le 12 octobre 2010 et député européen, PPE de la circonscription Sud-Ouest de France, il démissionne de tous ses mandats lorsqu'il est nommé Défenseur des droits par le président Nicolas Sarkozy le 22 juin 2011.

À ce poste, il permet aux victimes du sida et aux séropositifs d'avoir accès aux soins funéraires, interdits depuis 19869.
Mort et hommages

Alors qu'il occupe la fonction de Défenseur des droits, il est opéré du cervelet et hospitalisé à plusieurs reprises avant de mourir à l'hôpital du Val-de-Grâce à Paris des suites d'un cancer généralisé, le 10 avril 201410,11.

Le 15 avril 2014, un hommage national, présidé par le président de la république François Hollande12 lui est rendu aux Invalides, à Paris13.

Ses obsèques ont lieu le mercredi 16 avril 2014 en la cathédrale Saint-Étienne de Toulouse. Le lendemain matin, il est incinéré au crématorium de Salonique et ses cendres ont été inhumées au cimetière de Terre-Cabade, auprès de son père Pierre Baudis.
Vie privée

Il se marie en secondes noces avec Ysabel Saïah le 27 avril 1988. Le couple a deux enfants, Pierre et Benjamin. Dominique Baudis a également une fille issue d'un précédent mariage, Florence.
Décorations

Chevalier de l'ordre national de la Légion d'honneur (2001)14.

Affaire Alègre

En 2003, alors qu'il est président du CSA, Dominique Baudis est mis en cause dans une affaire liée au tueur en série Patrice Alègre. Il révèle publiquement cette sordide affaire au journal de Claire Chazal sur TF1. On l'accuse de proxénétisme, de viol, de meurtre et d'actes de barbarie. Les instigateurs de cette campagne de diffamation seront mis en examen deux ans et demi plus tard.

Après être revenues sur leurs déclarations, les deux ex-prostituées, Fanny et Patricia, ont été reconnues coupables de dénonciation calomnieuse et respectivement condamnées à deux et trois ans de prison avec sursis par le Tribunal correctionnel de Toulouse le 26 mars 200915.

Karl Zéro, à l'époque présentateur sur Canal+, a bénéficié d'un non-lieu en mars 2007 à la suite de sa mise en examen pour « sortie illicite de correspondance », « violation du secret de l'instruction » et « violation du secret professionnel » après avoir lu en direct à la télévision une lettre du meurtrier Patrice Alègre confirmant l'implication de Dominique Baudis dans cette affaire16. En janvier 2009, il est à nouveau mis en examen pour « sortie irrégulière de correspondance de prison »17. Dominique Baudis a également accusé La Dépêche du Midi et son directeur Jean-Michel Baylet ainsi qu'Edwy Plenel, alors au Monde d'avoir contribué à propager la rumeur5.

Sous le titre Face à la calomnie, Dominique Baudis publie en 2005 le journal qu'il a tenu pendant dix-huit mois, de 2003 à 2004, victime de ce qu'il qualifie de longue campagne de calomnies. Dans ce livre, il accuse l'ex-gendarme Michel Roussel d'avoir orienté les témoignages des deux anciennes prostituées qui l'avaient impliqué dans l'affaire Alègre. Cela vaudra à Baudis d'être condamné pour diffamation en première instance le 4 janvier 2006. Le 9 août de la même année, la Cour d'appel de Toulouse a confirmé la diffamation ; il est condamné à verser mille euros à Michel Roussel18. Dans ce livre, il dit ne pas comprendre l'attitude de son successeur à la mairie de Toulouse, Philippe Douste-Blazy, qu'il accuse de complaisance à l'égard de la rumeur.
Présentateur de Télévision

1977-1980 : Journal de 20 heures (TF1)
1980-1982 : Soir 3 (FR3)

Œuvres

La Passion des chrétiens du Liban, Éditions France Empire, 1978.
La Mort en keffieh, Éditions France Empire, 1980.
Raimond le Cathare, Éditions Grasset, 1996.
Raimond d'Orient, Éditions Grasset, 1999.
La Conjuration, Éditions Grasset, 2001.

- Prix Relay 200119

Il faut tuer Chateaubriand, Éditions Grasset, 2003.
Nadine-Josette Chaline, François Bayrou et Dominique Baudis, Jean Lecanuet. Témoignages de François Bayrou et Dominique Baudis, Beauchesne, 2003 (ISBN 2701014050).
Face à la calomnie, XO, Paris, 2005, 317 p. (ISBN 2-84563-189- Cool

.
Les amants de Gibraltar, Éditions Grasset, 2010, 306 p. (ISBN 978-2-246-75521-0)

• prix Méditerranée 201020

.
Notes et références

↑ « Nuit radio PS réactions politiques » [archive], TF1, archive Ina, 29 juin 1979.
↑ « Dominique Baudis : un centriste choisi par Sarkozy » [archive], tempsreel.nouvelobs.com, 3 juin 2011.
↑ Toulouse municipales : interview Dominique Baudis candidat aux élections [archive]INA, 12 oct. 1982
↑ Victoire de Dominique Baudis aux élections [archive]INA, 07 mars 1983
↑ a, b, c, d et e Charles Jaigu et Jean-Wilfrid Forquès, « Les passions de Dominique Baudis » [archive], Le Figaro, encart « Culture », vendredi 11 avril 2014, page 39.
↑ Claude Baudry, « Audiovisuel. La nomination contestée de Dominique Baudis à la présidence du CSA. [archive] », L'Humanité, 18 janvier 2001
↑ « Mort de Dominique Baudis, « défenseur infatigable de l'intérêt général » », Le Monde.fr,‎ 10 avril 2014 (ISSN 1950-6244, lire en ligne [archive])
↑ Résolution du Parlement européen du 24 mars 2011 sur les relations de l'Union européenne avec le Conseil de coopération du Golfe [archive], Parlement européen, 24 mars 2011
↑ Marie-Pierre Gröndahl, « Dominique Baudis - La vie au galop », Paris Match no 3387, semaine du 17 au 23 avril 2014, pages 44-51.
↑ « Dominique Baudis, défenseur des droits, est décédé » [archive], sur La Croix,‎ 10 avril 2014
↑ « Dominique Baudis, parcours d'un homme engagé [archive] », Le Point, le 10 avril 2014
↑ « Hollande présidera mardi un hommage national à Baudis aux Invalides » [archive], sur leparisien.fr,‎ 12 avril 2014 (consulté le 10 août 2016)
↑ « Dominique Baudis : ses obsèques auront lieu mardi aux Invalides » [archive], sur rtl.fr,‎ 11 avril 2014 (consulté le 10 août 2016)
↑ Décret du 13 juillet 2001 [archive]
↑ « Affaire Alègre: Fanny et Patricia condamnées pour dénonciation calomnieuse » [archive].
↑ « Non-lieu pour Karl Zérodans l'affaire Alègre » [archive], sur L'Obs,‎ 7 mars 2007 (consulté le 22 décembre 2015)
↑ « Affaire Alègre-Baudis: Karl Zéro mis en examen, ses avocats déposent une requête en nullité » [archive], sur 20minutes.fr,‎ 24 février 2009 (consulté le 15 septembre 2016)
↑ « Affaire Alègre. Dominique Baudis condamné pour diffamation » [archive], sur ladepeche.fr,‎ 6 décembre 2006 (consulté le 15 septembre 2016)
↑ Lauréats du Prix Relay, sur le site officiel. [archive]
↑ Prix-litteraires.net - prix Méditerranée [archive]

Voir aussi
Articles connexes

Liste des maires de Toulouse
Liste des députés européens de France de la 7e législature

Liens externes

Sur les autres projets Wikimedia :

Dominique Baudis, sur Wikimedia Commons Dominique Baudis, sur Wikinews

Notices d'autoritéVoir et modifier les données sur Wikidata : Fichier d'autorité international virtuel • International Standard Name Identifier • Bibliothèque nationale de France (données) • Système universitaire de documentation • Bibliothèque du Congrès • Gemeinsame Normdatei • WorldCat
« Dominique Baudis », sur la base de données des députés au Parlement européen

Pierre Cohen, né le 20 mars 1950 à Bizerte (Tunisie), est un homme politique français, député socialiste de 1997 à 2012, maire de Toulouse et président de la communauté urbaine de Toulouse Métropole de 2008 à 2014.

Sommaire

1 Mandats
2 Biographie
3 Source
4 Notes et références
5 Voir aussi
5.1 Articles connexes
5.2 Liens externes

Mandats

6 mars 1983 - 12 mars 1989 : conseiller municipal de Ramonville-Saint-Agne
17 mars 1986 - 22 mars 1992 : conseiller régional de Midi-Pyrénées
20 mars 1989 - 18 juin 1995 : maire de Ramonville-Saint-Agne
25 juin 1995 - 18 mars 2001 : maire de Ramonville-Saint-Agne
18 mars 2001 - 16 mars 2008 : maire de Ramonville-Saint-Agne
20 mars 1989 - 16 mars 2008 : Membre de la communauté d'agglomération de Toulouse Sud-Est (Sicoval)
1er juin 1997 - 18 juin 2012 : député de la troisième circonscription de la Haute-Garonne (réélu le 16 juin 2002 et le 17 juin 2007)
21 mars 2008 - 4 avril 2014 : maire de Toulouse
11 avril 2008 - 24 avril 2014 : président de la Communauté urbaine de Toulouse Métropole
Depuis le 4 avril 2014 : conseiller municipal de Toulouse.

Biographie

Fils d'une catholique française et d'un militaire juif tunisien1, qu'il suit en Allemagne en 1958 puis à Mazamet en 1964, Pierre Cohen obtient, après son bac en 1968, un doctorat en informatique à l'université Paul-Sabatier, et devient ingénieur de recherche en informatique à l'IRIT, jusqu'en 19972.

Membre du parti socialiste depuis 1974, il milite au sein du CERES. Élu conseiller municipal à Ramonville-Saint-Agne en 1983, il est d'abord chargé de la petite enfance avant d'en devenir maire en 1989. Impliqué dans les politiques de préventions au GIP et CISD, il est aussi à l'origine du Festival de rue de Ramonville. Conseiller régional entre 1986 et 1992, il se met en congé du parti socialiste un temps après l'entrée de la France dans la Guerre du Golfe. Il vote ensuite « non » au référendum sur le traité de Maastricht, mais ne rejoint pas Jean-Pierre Chevènement au Mouvement des Citoyens, et se rapproche de Lionel Jospin en 19952.

Il est élu député en 1997 dans la 3e circonscription de la Haute-Garonne. Réélu en 2002, puis en 2007, il est membre de l'Office parlementaire d'évaluation des choix scientifiques et technologiques. Après avoir été membre pendant 12 ans de la commission économique et sociale où il a particulièrement défendu les questions liées à la recherche et à l'enseignement supérieur, il a ensuite terminé son parcours à l'Assemblée Nationale en tant que membre de la commission des affaires étrangères.

Il a également participé à la création du groupe parlementaire Espace, destiné à défendre la recherche, l'industrie et les applications spatiales françaises et européennes3.

Le 16 mars 2008, à la tête d'une liste unitaire de la gauche (PS, PCF, MRC, PRG, Verts), il devance au second tour des municipales à Toulouse le maire sortant Jean-Luc Moudenc (50,42 % contre 49,58 %4 soit avec seulement 1209 voix d'avance).

Le 6 février 2009, il devient président de la communauté urbaine du Grand Toulouse.

Le 30 mars 2014, sa liste PS-PCF-PRG-MRC est battue par la liste de Jean-Luc Moudenc UMP-UDI-MoDem qui obtient 52,06 % des voix et 53 sièges à l'élection municipale de Toulouse. Sa liste n'obtenant que 16 sièges, il n'est pas réélu maire après l'élection municipale de 2014 à Toulouse.
Source

Notice biographique, Who's Who in France

Notes et références

↑ Sébastien Marti, « Pierre Cohen, le candidat PS côté cœur [archive] », La Dépêche du Midi, 2 janvier 2008
↑ a et b Yves Bordenave, « Pierre Cohen : le sérieux fait maire [archive], Le Monde, 18 mars 2008
↑ Fiche [archive] sur le site de l'Assemblée nationale
↑ (fr) Résultats des élections municipales de 2008 à Toulouse [archive] sur le site officiel du Ministère de l'Intérieur

Voir aussi
Articles connexes

Liste des députés de la Haute-Garonne
Liste des maires de Toulouse

Liens externes

Sur les autres projets Wikimedia :

Pierre Cohen, sur Wikimedia Commons

Notices d'autoritéVoir et modifier les données sur Wikidata : Fichier d'autorité international virtuel • Bibliothèque nationale de France (données) • Système universitaire de documentation
(fr) Sa fiche sur le site de l'Assemblée nationale

Jean-Pierre Chauveau est un homme politique français, sénateur, membre du groupe UMP, né le 8 novembre 1942.

Il a siégé comme sénateur de la Sarthe du 2 novembre 2004 au 28 juin 2005 puis l'est redevenu le 18 juin 2007 après la nomination en mai 2007 de François Fillon (dont il était suppléant) comme Premier ministre.
Autres mandats

Maire de Commerveil
Vice-président du conseil général de la Sarthe; canton de Mamers.
Président de la Communauté de communes du Saosnois

Pierre Lefebvre, né le 4 mars 1938 à Courbevoie (Seine), est un homme politique français.

Sommaire

1 Biographie
2 Détail des fonctions et des mandats
3 Notes et références
4 Voir aussi
4.1 Articles connexes
4.2 Lien externe

Biographie

Pierre Lefebvre commence sa carrière politique en se présentant à la mairie d'Allonnes lors des municipales de 1971, il siège comme simple conseiller municipal jusqu'en 1977. En 1988, François Fillon le choisit pour devenir son suppléant lors des législatives de la même année1,2,3,4,5,6.

À la suite de la nomination de François Fillon au gouvernement Balladur, il devient député de la 4e circonscription de la Sarthe7.

En mars 2001, il figure en 18e position sur la liste de Claudine Lefebvre8, candidate de la liste de droite à la mairie d'Allonnes, mais il n'est pas élu.

À la suite de la nomination de François Fillon au gouvernement Raffarin I, il redevient député de la 4e circonscription de la Sarthe9.

En mars 2014, il figure en 13e position sur la liste de Guy Favennec10,11,12,13, candidat de la liste DVD à la mairie d'Allonnes, mais il n'est pas élu.
Détail des fonctions et des mandats

Mandats parlementaires

2 mai 1993 - 21 avril 1997 : Député de la 4e circonscription de la Sarthe
8 juin 2002 - 18 juin 2002 : Député de la 4e circonscription de la Sarthe

Notes et références

↑ Les suppléants des membres du gouvernement vont entrer au Parlement Vingt-cinq nouveaux députés [archive], Le Monde, 2 avril 1993.
↑ http://www.cg72.fr/historic_elus.aspx [archive]
↑ « François Fillon, un ambitieux rentré » [archive], Le Maine libre, 17 novembre 2011.
↑ http://www.lemainelibre.fr/a-allonnes-des-ecarts-sociaux-geographiques-politiques [archive]
↑ http://www.lemans.maville.com/actu/actudet_-la-commanderie-des-anysetiers-soutient-n-autisme_14-2676837_actu.Htm [archive]
↑ http://www.ville-allonnes.fr/NewFiles/associations/associations.html [archive]
↑ http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/histoire/trombinoscope/Vrepublique/Legis10/lefebvre-pierre-04031938.asp [archive]
↑ Élections municipales 2001 [archive], Ouest-France.
↑ http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/11/tribun/fiches_id/1912.asp [archive]
↑ Guy Favennec est tête de liste aux municipales [archive], Ouest-France, 3 mars 2014.
↑ Résultats des élections municipales 2014 [archive]
↑ http://elections.lefigaro.fr/resultats/elections-municipales-2014/sarthe/allonnes/liste-2014/tour-1/le-renouveau-allonnais-avec-vous/ [archive]
↑ Élections municipales 2014 [archive], Ouest-France.

Voir aussi
Articles connexes

Allonnes
Liste des députés de la Sarthe
Quatrième circonscription de la Sarthe

Lien externe

« Pierre Lefebvre », sur Sycomore, base de données des députés de l'Assemblée nationale

L'outrage public à la pudeur se réfère à un acte répréhensible dans l'espace public ou (dans certaines juridictions) une violation du droit à la pudeur, démontrée par une indécence naturelle, telle qu'une exhibition sexuelle, une relation sexuelle ou même une masturbation à la vue d'un public. De telles activités sont souvent illégales.

Sommaire

1 En France
2 Autres
3 Voir aussi
3.1 Articles connexes
3.2 Bibliographie
3.3 Liens externes
4 Références

En France

L'outrage public à la pudeur était un délit réprimé dans l'article 330 de l'ancien Code pénal de 1810 :

« Toute personne qui aura commis un outrage public à la pudeur sera punie d'un emprisonnement de trois mois à deux ans, et d'une amende de 500 F à 15 000 F. »

— Article 330 de l'Ancien code pénal1

En 1960, à la suite de l'amendement Mirguet, l’ordonnance du 25 novembre 19602 créant l'alinéa 2 de l'article 330 du Code pénal, double la peine minimum pour outrage public à la pudeur quand il s'agissait de rapports homosexuels. Cette discrimination sera supprimée par la loi du 23 décembre 19803, sur proposition4 du gouvernement Raymond Barre (présentée par Monique Pelletier, secrétaire d’État, reprenant la proposition de loi no 261 du 8 février 1978 d’Henri Caillavet5).

En France, le délit d'outrage à la pudeur a disparu dans le nouveau Code pénal de 1994. En droit positif fut mis au point une définition du délit d'exhibition sexuelle à travers l'article 222-32 du Code pénal de 1994.

« L'exhibition sexuelle imposée à la vue d'autrui dans un lieu accessible aux regards du public est punie d'un an d'emprisonnement et de 15 000 euros d'amende. »

— Article 222-32 du Code pénal6

Ainsi, de manière à distinguer le délit d'exhibition sexuelle de la nudité simple, on ne peut plus invoquer la pudeur pour punir celle-ci. [réf. nécessaire]
Autres

Outrage public à la pudeur est également le titre en français d'un roman de Tom Sharpe (titre original : Indecent Exposure), la suite de Mêlée ouverte à Zoulouland, deux intrigues situées en Afrique du Sud dépeignant une société blanche grotesque et violente.
Voir aussi
Articles connexes

Attentat à la pudeur (devenu atteinte sexuelle sur mineur en droit positif)
Exhibition sexuelle
L'Article 330
Majorité sexuelle en France

Bibliographie

Gérard Cornu (dir.) et Association Henri Capitant, Vocabulaire juridique, Paris, Presses universitaires de France, coll. « Quadridge », 2005, 7e éd., 970 p. [détail des éditions] (ISBN 978-2-13-055097-6, OCLC 469313788)
Jean-Paul Doucet, « Outrage public à la pudeur », Dictionnaire de droit criminel,‎ 2014
Marcela Iacub, Le crime était presque sexuel : et autres essais de casuistique juridique, Paris, Flammarion, coll. « Champs », 2002 (ISBN 978-2-08-080055- Cool

Marcela Iacub, Par le trou de la serrure : Une histoire de la pudeur publique, XIX-XXIe siècle, Paris, Fayard, coll. « Histoire de la pensée », 2008 (ISBN 978-2-213-63399-2, présentation en ligne)

Liens externes

Article 222-32 du Code pénal français sur Légifrance
Article 330 de l'Ancien code pénal sur Légifrance

Références

↑ Article 330 de l'Ancien code pénal, sur Légifrance [archive]
↑ L’ordonnance no 60-1245 du 25 novembre 1960 « relative à la lutte contre le proxénétisme » [archive]
↑ Loi no 80-1041 du 23 décembre 1980 « relative à la répression du viol et de certains attentats aux mœurs » [archive]
↑ « Compte-rendu intégral des débats du 28 juin 1978 » [archive], sur Sénat [archive], p. 1850-1852
↑ « Proposition de loi tendant à abroger l’alinéa 2 de l’article 330, et l’alinéa 3 de l’article 331 du Code pénal » [archive]
↑ Article 222-32 du Code pénal, sur Légifrance [archive]

Exhibition sexuelle

L'exhibition sexuelle est l'exécution en public ou dans un lieu accessible à la vue de tous, d'actes sexuels sur soi-même ou la personne d'autrui, et susceptibles d'outrager la pudeur d'autrui.

L'exécution d'actes sexuels comprend :

l'exécution active : masturbation, rapport sexuel
l'exécution passive : exhibition d'une partie du corps à caractère sexuel si elle est volontaire.

De plus, l'élément public doit être recherché ; le simple fait de pratiquer un acte sexuel en laissant même entrevoir l'action peut être qualifié d'exhibition sexuelle. Au contraire, si l'action se déroule dans un cadre fermé, un spectateur qui s'introduit dans la pièce ne peut pas prétendre être victime d'exhibitionnisme.

Sommaire

1 Autres formes d'exhibition
2 Exhibition sexuelle dans le cadre du droit pénal français
3 Notes
4 Voir aussi
4.1 Articles connexes
4.2 Liens externes

Autres formes d'exhibition

L'apodysophilie est une forme d'exhibitionnisme dans laquelle le sujet ne se contente pas de montrer ses organes génitaux, mais éprouve le besoin de se déshabiller entièrement et de se montrer nu dans n'importe quel endroit.

Certains individus se lancent à eux-mêmes des défis consistant à abandonner leurs vêtements (en gardant parfois quelque chose aux pieds) et à se retrouver en état de nudité complète dans un lieu potentiellement fréquenté (immeuble, hôtel, parking, rue, autoroute, campagne, forêt, plage...) sans possibilité immédiate de se cacher ou de se couvrir. Ces individus sont généralement mus par le désir de mettre à l’épreuve leur propre pudeur en prenant le risque de se faire voir, mais sans souhaiter réellement être vus et sans pratiquer d’acte sexuel (masturbation, orgasme) à cette occasion.
Exhibition sexuelle dans le cadre du droit pénal français
Exhibition sexuelle
Territoire d’application Drapeau de la France France
Incrimination 222-32
Classification Délit
Amende 15 000 €
Emprisonnement 1 an
Prescription 3 ans
Compétence Trib. correctionnel
modifier Consultez la documentation du modèle

Le ministre de la Justice français a analysé le sens précis du terme dans le Journal officiel en réponse à une question posée par un député1.

« Le garde des sceaux, ministre de la justice, a l'honneur de faire connaître à l'honorable parlementaire que le délit d'exhibition sexuelle est prévu et réprimé par l'article 222-32 du Code pénal entré en vigueur le 1er mars 1994, qui a remplacé l'ancien article 330 relatif à l'outrage public à la pudeur. Il convient à cet égard de préciser que la nouvelle incrimination est plus restrictive que pour le délit d'outrage public à la pudeur, puisqu'elle exige que l'acte soit imposé à la vue d'autrui d'une part et commis dans un lieu accessible aux regards du public d'autre part.

— En effet, pour caractériser l'infraction, il doit être démontré » au moins un des deux motifs suivants : * « la personne poursuivie a eu la volonté délibérée de provoquer la pudeur publique », * « sa négligence n'a pas permis de dissimuler à la vue des tiers l'acte obscène.

— L'acte incriminé doit en effet constituer un geste ou une attitude déplacés au regard de la pudeur publique. »

Selon l'article 222-322 du code pénal, l'exhibition sexuelle imposée3 à la vue d'autrui dans un lieu accessible aux regards du public est punie d'un an d'emprisonnement et de 15 000 euros d'amende.

La loi condamne et réprime donc des motivations et non un simple état de nudité. Les actes peuvent être :

une provocation4 délibérée ou un acte obscène5 non dissimulé ;
un geste ou une attitude déplacé au regard de la pudeur publique ;
une imposition de l'exhibition sexuelle.

Il est bien précisé qu'il s'agit d'un acte incriminé et non d'un état, qui doit donc être démontré comme motivé.

Les condamnations de femmes sont relativement rares. En 1965, une jeune fille est reconnue coupable d’outrage public à la pudeur pour avoir joué au ping-pong seins nus sur la Croisette à Cannes. La condamnation suivante pour exhibition sexuelle, le 17 décembre 2014, d' Éloïse Bouton, qui utilise la nudité à des fins de revendications politiques au sein des Femen, attire la colère de plusieurs personnalités féministes6,7.
Notes

↑ JO publié le 30 juin 2003, page 5244.
↑ Ordonnance nº 2000-916 du 19 septembre 2000 art. 3 ; Journal officiel du 22 septembre 2000 en vigueur le 1er janvier 2002.
↑ L'article 222-32 du Code pénal [archive] précise qu'il s'agit non pas d'une exhibition sexuelle simple, mais qu'en plus elle est imposée.
↑ Voir provocation dans le Wiktionnaire.provocation
↑ Le Journal officiel mentionne « un geste ou une attitude déplacés » au regard de la pudeur publique.
↑ « Une ex-Femen condamnée pour «exhibition sexuelle» » [archive], sur Le Figaro (consulté le 8 avril 2015)
↑ « La nudité politique des femmes n’est pas érotique » [archive], sur liberation.fr (consulté le 8 avril 2015)

Voir aussi
Articles connexes

Association pour la promotion du naturisme en liberté (APNEL)
Outrage public à la pudeur (qualification judiciaire du présent délit sous le Code pénal de 1810)
Joël Legendre

Liens externes

Article 222-32 du Code pénal français sur Légifrance
Question du député et réponse complète du Ministre de la Justice sur le sens de l'article 222-32 du code pénal
Violences sexuelles

Jean Tiberi, né le 30 janvier 1935 à Paris (5e), est un magistrat et homme politique français, maire de Paris de mai 1995 à mars 2001.

Membre de l'UDR, du RPR puis de l'UMP, il est député de la 2e circonscription de Paris de 1968 à 2012 et maire du 5e arrondissement de Paris de 1983 à 1995 et de 2001 à 2014.

Sommaire

1 Origine, études et carrière professionnelle
2 Carrière politique
2.1 Élection et bilan à la mairie de Paris
2.2 De l'éviction du RPR à l'adhésion à l'UMP
3 Affaires judiciaires
3.1 Affaire des HLM de Paris
3.2 Affaire des faux électeurs du 5e arrondissement
3.3 Logements sociaux
4 Synthèse de ses fonctions
4.1 Fonctions gouvernementales
4.2 Mandats parlementaires
4.3 Mandats locaux
5 Dans la fiction
6 Notes et références
7 Voir aussi
7.1 Liens externes

Origine, études et carrière professionnelle

D'ascendance corse mais né à Paris2 (son père est employé d'assurance et sa mère sténodactylo3), Jean Tiberi effectue sa scolarité au collège Sainte-Barbe et au lycée Louis-le-Grand (époque où, à l'âge de 15 ans, il adhère au RPF4), dans le 5e arrondissement de Paris, puis poursuit des études supérieures en faculté de droit et devient magistrat. Substitut à Metz et à Meaux, il est nommé juge à Beauvais puis détaché à la chancellerie5.

Il est marié avec Xavière Tiberi, née Casanova, dont il a eu un fils, Dominique Tiberi et une fille, Hélène4.
Carrière politique

Jean Tiberi commence sa carrière politique en adhérant à l'Union gaulliste de René Capitant, formation dite de gaullistes de gauche, et est élu en 1965 au conseil municipal de Paris3 ainsi que député suppléant de René Capitant. À l'entrée de ce dernier au gouvernement le 30 juin 1968, Jean Tiberi occupe son siège de député gaulliste de Paris puis est élu sous son nom propre aux élections législatives de 1973.

Jean Tiberi rejoint le RPR lors de sa fondation en 1976, et devient proche de Jacques Chirac dans le gouvernement duquel il occupe les fonctions de secrétaire d'État auprès du ministre de l'Agriculture et auprès du ministre de l'Industrie et de la Recherche, chargé des industries alimentaires du 12 janvier 1976 au 25 août 1976.

Après l'élection de Jacques Chirac à la mairie de Paris en 1977, il devient son suppléant dans le 5e arrondissement puis son premier adjoint. Il est enfin élu maire du 5e arrondissement sans discontinuer aux élections municipales de 1983, 1989, 1995, 2001, 2008. Parallèlement, il est élu député de la 2e circonscription de Paris (nommée 3e jusqu'en 1986) à l'ensemble des élections législatives de 1973 à juin 2007 compris.

En décembre 1974, Jean Tiberi vote la loi dépénalisant l'avortement, dite « loi Veil »6 qui est promulguée le 17 janvier 1975.

Jean Tiberi a occupé les fonctions de maire de Paris de mai 1995 à mars 2001 à la tête d'une coalition RPR-UDF-Démocratie libérale. Candidat à sa propre succession, il a été battu en mars 2001 par la liste PS-Verts-PCF menée par Bertrand Delanoë. Lorsqu'il était maire de Paris, ses fonctions de maire du 5e arrondissement ont été exercées par Jean-Charles Bardon.

Aux élections législatives de juin 2012 Jean Tiberi ne se présente pas pour un nouveau mandat. François Fillon lui succède en tant que député de la 2e circonscription de Paris7.
Élection et bilan à la mairie de Paris

Jean Tiberi est proposé par Jacques Chirac comme candidat du RPR à la mairie de Paris, de préférence à Jacques Toubon, alors maire du 13e arrondissement de Paris. À la suite d'une campagne courte (mai-juin 1995), les listes RPR-UDF remportent 14 des 20 arrondissements parisiens et élisent donc Jean Tiberi comme maire de Paris et président du Conseil général du département de Paris.

En 1998, Jacques Toubon tente de ravir la mairie à Jean Tibéri en créant un groupe dissident de la majorité municipale, finalement en vain3.

La mandature de Jean Tiberi au Conseil de Paris est caractérisée par l'assainissement fiscal de la Ville à partir de 1997. Le début de mandat avait été marqué par la chute des droits de mutation en raison de la crise immobilière et le recours à l'emprunt. Le taux d'exécution du budget 1996 n'avait ainsi pas dépassé 60 % des crédits votés alors que le budget social, particulièrement élevé à Paris, augmentait de 3 % chaque année au détriment de l'investissement8. Cependant, grâce notamment à la reprise de l'immobilier, le taux d'endettement par habitant atteignait son plus bas niveau mesuré en 20009. Converti par ailleurs à un nouvel urbanisme plus convivial, de nombreux lieux de conflits débutés sous la mandature précédente s'apaisent à la suite de la modification par Tiberi de nombreux projets comme la ZAC Maillot, la Zac Moskova, la rénovation du faubourg Saint-Antoine ou la ZAC Pajol10.

Parmi ses principales contributions, on peut noter :

l'augmentation du nombre de couloirs de bus protégés et non protégés, Jean Tiberi ayant notamment promis de réduire la circulation automobile de 5 à 10 % d'ici la fin de sa mandature10 ;
le lancement en 1996 d'un plan Vélo et la création d'un réseau de pistes cyclables ;
l'inauguration de la passerelle de Solférino reliant la rue de Solférino au Jardin des Tuileries ;
le lancement des études préliminaires pour un projet de tramway à la périphérie de la capitale, dont l'idée sera reprise et fortement modifiée pour devenir le tramway des Maréchaux ;
l'ouverture des voies sur berge le dimanche aux piétons ;
l'adaptation des schémas directeurs et prise en compte accrue des maires d'arrondissements et des habitants dans les projets d'aménagements des ZAC Rive Gauche, Pajol et Maillot10.

De l'éviction du RPR à l'adhésion à l'UMP

Un an avant la fin de sa mandature, le RPR, présidé par Michèle Alliot-Marie, décide d'organiser une procédure permettant la désignation éventuelle d'autres candidats que Jean Tiberi. Philippe Séguin, député-maire d'Épinal devient le candidat officiel du RPR allié à Démocratie libérale et l'UDF. Jean Tiberi maintient cependant sa candidature, protestant contre le fait qu'il n'y ait pas eu de primaires au sein de son parti, et présente des listes dans tous les arrondissements.

Au soir du premier tour en mars 2001, les listes RPR-UDF-DL de Philippe Séguin arrivèrent devant celles de Jean Tiberi dans 18 des 20 arrondissements. Philippe Séguin refusa toute fusion avec des équipes dont il jugeait la fréquentation sulfureuse. Au soir du second tour, avec près de 51 % des suffrages (dont 35 % pour les listes de Philippe Séguin), la droite est finalement devancée en nombre de sièges par la liste de la gauche plurielle conduite par Bertrand Delanoë (12 arrondissements contre Cool

.

Jean Tiberi remporta 12 sièges au Conseil de Paris, ainsi que la mairie du 5e arrondissement tandis que son adjoint aux Finances, Jean-François Legaret, s'imposait dans le 1er arrondissement. À la fin de l'année 2002, Philippe Séguin se retirait de la politique, permettant à terme le regroupement du groupe des conseillers de Paris RPR-DL avec les tiberistes dans celui de la nouvelle UMP.

L'actuel mandat de député de Jean Tiberi a été obtenu en juin 2007 grâce à sa réélection au second tour face à la candidate PS Lyne Cohen-Solal avec 52,66 % des suffrages exprimés.

Son mandat actuel de maire du 5e arrondissement a été obtenu en mars 2008 aux élections municipales en recueillant au deuxième tour 45 % des suffrages exprimés contre 44,1 % pour Lyne Cohen-Solal (PS) et 10,9 % pour Philippe Meyer (MoDem)11.

La permanence politique de Jean Tiberi a par ailleurs été exclue, en avril 2009, par la mairie de Paris, du local qu'elle occupait pour défaut de paiement de son loyer12.

Sur proposition de Christine Lagarde et contre l’avis de la commission d’évaluation, son fils Dominique, qui est aussi son 5e adjoint à la mairie du 5e arrondissement, est nommé le 20 janvier 2011 contrôleur général économique et financier au ministère de l’Économie. Le vendredi 23 décembre 2011 le Conseil d’État annule cette nomination13.

Jean Tiberi est également membre du comité d'honneur du Mouvement initiative et liberté (MIL), organisation d'inspiration gaulliste formée en 1981.

Le 7 octobre 2012, il annonce qu'il soutient François Fillon lors du congrès pour la présidence de l'UMP14.

Il ne se représente pas à la mairie du 5e arrondissement lors des élections municipales de 2014 à Paris, souhaitant passer le témoin à son fils Dominique. Ce dernier se présente finalement en dissident, la candidate désignée par l'UMP étant Florence Berthout, laquelle est élue et succède donc à Jean Tibéri.
Affaires judiciaires
Affaire des HLM de Paris

Une première procédure judiciaire a concerné à partir de 1999 son rôle en tant que président de l'Office public d'aménagement et de construction (OPAC) des HLM de Paris dans le contournement des procédures légales d'appel d'offres et des marchés des HLM parisiens et dans le financement occulte du RPR15.

Cette affaire s'est terminée en 2005 par un non-lieu16.
Affaire des faux électeurs du 5e arrondissement

En tant que maire du 5e arrondissement de Paris, Jean Tiberi a été suspecté à partir de 1997 d'avoir organisé à compter de 1989 un système de fraude électorale.

L'instruction dans l'Affaire dite des faux-électeurs du 5e arrondissement a débuté à la suite d'une plainte de son adversaire PS dans l'arrondissement, Lyne Cohen-Solal, qui dénonçait des centaines inscriptions fictives de faux-électeurs à différentes adresses de l'arrondissement17,18 ou des radiations douteuses sur les listes électorales de l'arrondissement lors des élections municipales de juin 1995 et des législatives de mai-juin 1997. Cette plainte fait suite à l'enquête du Canard enchaîné qui découvre 800 faux inscrits. En échange de ces fausses domiciliations, les personnes se seraient vues attribuer des places de crèche, des logements sociaux ou des emplois19.

Le 14 février 2008, les juges d'instruction chargés de l'enquête sur les faux électeurs du 5e arrondissement de Paris ont décidé de renvoyer Jean Tiberi, son épouse Xavière et neuf autres prévenus devant le tribunal correctionnel de Paris20. Ce renvoi en correctionnelle a été demandé sans attendre les réquisitions du parquet, qui se faisaient attendre depuis de longs mois (comme dans l’affaire Jacques Dominati). Jean-Claude Marin, procureur de Paris, avait alors accusé les deux juges d’instruction de « s’immiscer » dans la campagne électorale, les municipales ayant lieu un mois après. Cette escarmouche rare avait été commentée par le Syndicat de la magistrature dans une Lettre ouverte à ceux qui feignent de croire à l’indépendance du parquet21. Cette affaire des faux électeurs n’a pas contribué à redorer le blason des hiérarques du parquet, liés statutairement au pouvoir exécutif, et en butte à une éternelle suspicion. Le procureur requiert alors contre Jean Tiberi une peine d'inéligibilité d'une durée de cinq ans, un an de prison avec sursis, ainsi que 10 000 euros d'amende22. Le Conseil constitutionnel, saisi en 1998 pour vérifier la légalité l'élection de Jean Tiberi en 1997, a par ailleurs reconnu, dans son arrêt du 20 février 1998, l'existence de manœuvres frauduleuses en considérant toutefois qu'elles n'étaient pas en mesure d'avoir modifié le résultat de l'élection, Tibéri ayant gagné avec 2 725 voix d'avance23. En 2000, le rapport des enquêteurs confié au juge d'instruction parisien, Chantal Perdrix, démontre l'existence de plus de 3 000 électeurs fantômes lors des élections législatives de 199724.

Lors du procès en 2009, l'écologiste Yves Contassot, qui a également porté plainte pour l'affaire des faux électeurs du 3e arrondissement, explique : « En 1989, Jacques Chirac a réuni ses adjoints et les maires d'arrondissement pour leur expliquer qu'il voulait faire le grand chelem aux municipales25. Pour gagner partout, il a été décidé de transférer des électeurs des arrondissements qui avaient des grandes réserves à droite vers ceux qui étaient susceptibles de tomber à gauche : le 5e mais aussi le 20e, le 19e, le 18e, le 11e et le 3e. Une opération baptisée "Transfusion sanguine" »26.

Le 27 mai 2009, la 16e chambre du tribunal correctionnel de Paris a rendu son jugement et condamné Jean Tiberi, à 10 mois de prison, 10 000 euros d’amende et 3 ans d’inéligibilité27. Le parquet avait requis 12 mois de prison avec sursis, 10 000 euros et cinq ans inéligibilité, la peine maximale pour les « atteintes à la sincérité d’un scrutin par les manœuvres frauduleuses » étant d’un an de prison et 15 000 euros d’amende. Jean Tiberi a fait appel de ce jugement28.

Le 12 mars 2013, la cour d'appel de Paris confirme le jugement précédent et condamne Jean Tiberi, à 10 mois de prison avec sursis, 10 000 euros d’amende et 3 ans d'inéligibilité29.

Il dépose la même semaine un pourvoi en cassation30. Cela suspend sa peine et donc l'autorise à se présenter aux élections municipales de 2014.

Le 3 mars 2015, la Cour de cassation rejette le pourvoi de Jean Tiberi et de son épouse31, qui sont donc définitivement condamnés. Immédiatement, ils annoncent s'apprêter à formuler un recours devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme.
Logements sociaux

Entre les deux tours de l'élection municipale de 1995, la presse révèle que les enfants du couple vivent dans des logements sociaux alors qu'ils perçoivent des loyers d'appartements dont ils sont propriétaires4.
Synthèse de ses fonctions
Fonctions gouvernementales

du 12 janvier 1976 au 25 août 1976 : secrétaire d'État auprès du ministre de l'Agriculture et auprès du ministre de l'Industrie et de la Recherche, chargé des industries alimentaires.

Mandats parlementaires

du 13 août 1968 au 12 février 1976 puis du 15 novembre 1976 au 20 juin 2012 : député de l'ancienne troisième circonscription puis de la deuxième circonscription de Paris. Il est réélu le 11 mars 1973, le 14 novembre 1976, le 12 mars 1978, le 14 juin 1981, le 16 mars 1986, le 5 juin 1988, le 21 mars 1993, le 1er juin 1997, le 16 juin 2002 et le 17 juin 2007.

Mandats locaux

depuis le 21 mars 1965 : conseiller de Paris ;
du 14 mars 1983 au 19 mars 1989 : adjoint au maire de Paris ;
du 20 mars 1989 au 21 mai 1995 : adjoint au maire de Paris, chargé du Logement ;
du 22 mai 1995 au 25 mars 2001 : maire de Paris ;
du 29 mars 1983 au 21 mai 1995 et du 2 avril 2001 au 13 avril 2014 : maire du 5e arrondissement de Paris ;
du 14 mars 1983 au 30 mars 2014 : conseiller municipal du 5e arrondissement de Paris.

Dans la fiction

Dans le film Trois zéros (2002), il joue brièvement le rôle du maire de Paris.
Notes et références

↑ Antoine Guiral, « Erreur de casting », Libération,‎ 9 août 1999 (lire en ligne [archive])
↑ Paris V : Tiberi reste aux manettes [archive]
↑ a, b et c Ariane Chemin et Béatrice Gurrey, « Les Tibéri se rêvent en dynastie » [archive], M, le magazine du Monde, semaine du 23 novembre 2013, pages 65-73.
↑ a, b et c Erreur de référence : Balise <ref> incorrecte ; aucun texte n’a été fourni pour les références nommées Monde.
↑ http://www.lexpress.fr/actualite/politique/jean-tiberi-bio-express_737736.html [archive]
↑ http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/histoire/interruption/1974-12-20s.pdf [archive]
↑ http://www.elections-legislatives.fr/candidats/07502.asp [archive] site de l'Assemblée nationale Élections des 10 et 17 juin 2012 Paris 2e circonscription
↑ Comment Tiberi s'accroche [archive], article de l'Express, 1997
↑ 20 minutes no 1253 du 19 septembre 2007.
↑ a, b et c http://www.lexpress.fr/informations/paris-comment-tiberi-s-accroche_620644.html [archive]
↑ Chiffres du ministère de l'Intérieur, 17 mars 2008. [archive]
↑ http://www.rue89.com/2009/04/11/paris-tiberi-perd-sa-permanence-qg-des-faux-electeurs [archive]
↑ Le conseil d’État annule la nomination à Bercy de Dominique Tiberi [archive]
↑ Jean Tiberi soutient François Fillon [archive], Le Figaro, 7 octobre 2012.
↑ http://www.senat.fr/questions/base/1996/qSEQ96060006G.html [archive]
↑ http://tempsreel.nouvelobs.com/actualites/politique/20050226.OBS9805/faux_electeurs_du_ve_tiberi_convoque.html [archive]
↑ Balade parisienne chez les fantômes du Ve [archive] dans Libération du 3 mars 2009
↑ http://prdchroniques.blog.lemonde.fr/2009/02/24/le-mauvais-quart-dheure-de-jean-tiberi-le-document/ [archive]
↑ Nicolas Chapuis, « "Faux électeurs" : 16 ans d'affaire pour le couple Tiberi » [archive], sur lemonde.fr,‎ 12 mars 2013
↑ Associated Press du 14 février 2008
↑ Lettre ouverte à ceux qui feignent de croire à l’indépendance du parquet [archive] syndicat-magistrature.org, 29 octobre 2009
↑ Cinq ans d'inéligibilité requise contre M.Tiberi pour la "gifle" infligée aux électeurs, dépêche AFP du 2 mars 2009
↑ Lyne Cohen-Solal, Main basse sur Paris, Albin Michel, p. 145
↑ Laurent Valdiguié, Un maire au-dessus de tout soupçon, Albin Michel, 2000, p. 145
↑ Grand chelem réalisé le 19 mars 1989.
↑ Marie-France Etchegoin, « Les sortilèges de lady Xavière » [archive], sur nouvelobs.com,‎ 26 septembre 2011
↑ http://fr.reuters.com/article/topNews/idFRPAE54Q0FA20090527 [archive]
↑ http://fr.reuters.com/article/topNews/idFRPAE54Q0FA20090527?pageNumber=3&virtualBrandChannel=0 [archive]
↑ Faux électeurs : les époux Tiberi condamnés à 10 et 9 mois de prison avec sursis [archive], lemonde.fr, 12 mars 2013
↑ http://www.liberation.fr/politiques/2013/03/14/jean-tiberi-a-depose-son-pourvoi-en-cassation_888540 [archive]
↑ Crim. 11 mars 2014, pourvoi n° 13-82917 [archive]

John Ralston Saul, CC OOnt (born June 19, 1947) is a Canadian award-winning philosopher, novelist and essayist. He is a long-term champion of freedom of expression and was the International President of PEN International, until October 2015. Saul is the co-founder and co-chair of the non-profit Institute for Canadian Citizenship, a national charity promoting the inclusion of new citizens. His life bridges Canada's arts community and its military and government institution.[1]

Saul is most widely known for his writings on the nature of individualism, citizenship and the public good; the failures of manager-led societies;[2] the confusion between leadership and managerialism; military strategy, in particular irregular warfare; the role of freedom of speech and culture; and his critique of contemporary economic arguments. His work is known for being thought-provoking and ahead of its time, leading him to be declared a "prophet"[3] by the New York Times and to be included in Utne Reader's list of the world's 100 leading thinkers and visionaries. He is also considered Canada's leading public intellectual having written six books pertaining to the nature of contemporary Canada. Overall, his 14 works have been translated into 27 languages in over 30 countries.

Contents

1 Biography
2 Writings
2.1 Fiction
2.2 Non-fiction
2.2.1 Voltaire's Bastards, The Doubter's Companion and The Unconscious Civilization
2.2.2 Reflections of a Siamese Twin
2.2.3 On Equilibrium
2.2.4 The Collapse of Globalism
2.2.5 A Fair Country
2.2.6 Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine and Robert Baldwin
2.2.7 The Comeback: How Aboriginals Are Reclaiming Power and Influence
3 Speaker
4 Activities
5 PEN International
6 The Institute for Canadian Citizenship
7 Bibliography
7.1 Fiction
7.2 Non-fiction
8 Honours
9 References
10 External links

Biography

Saul is the son of Colonel William Saul, a first-generation soldier, and a British war bride whose family had a long tradition of military service.[4] His life, from the beginning, took place in a national context. Born in Ottawa, and christened in Calgary, he spent his infancy in Alberta, much of his childhood in Manitoba but graduated high school in Oakville, Ontario. At a young age he became fluent in both national languages, French and English. By the time he started university at McGill University, Montreal, his father was working in Paris and Brussels as a military adviser to the Canadian ambassador to NATO.

After completing his undergraduate Saul was accepted into the foreign service and appeared destined for a life of diligent diplomacy, however the sudden death of his father in 1968 changed his course of action and Saul chose to attend King's College London where he wrote his thesis on the modernization of France under Charles de Gaulle, and earned his Ph.D in 1972. His doctoral thesis, "The Evolution of Civil-Military Relations in France after the Algerian War," led him to France for research where he began writing his first novel Mort d'un général. This book was the romanticised version of his thesis on DeGaulle's Chief of staff, General Charles Ailleret. In France, he supported himself by running the French subsidiary of a British investment company.

After helping to set up the national oil company Petro-Canada in 1976, as Assistant to its first Chair, Maurice F. Strong, he published his first novel The Birds of Prey in 1977. Strong later characterized Saul as "an invaluable, though unconventional, member of my personal staff."[5]

Through the late 1970s into the 1980s, he travelled extensively and regularly spent time with guerrilla armies, spending a great deal of time in North Africa and South East Asia. Out of this time came his novels, The Field Trilogy. It was during those extended periods in Northwest Africa and Southeast Asia where he witnessed fellow writers there suffering government suppression of freedom of expression, which caused him to become interested in the work of PEN International.[6] Between the years of 1990 and 1992, Saul acted as the President of the Canadian centre of PEN International and in 2009 he was elected president of PEN and re-elected for a second and last term in 2012, remaining International President until October 2015.
Writings
Fiction

The Birds of Prey, a political novel based in Gaullist France, was an international best seller. He then published The Field Trilogy, which deals with the crisis of modern power and its clash with the individual. It includes Baraka or The Lives, Fortunes and Sacred Honor of Anthony Smith, The Next Best Thing, and The Paradise Eater, which won the Premio Letterario Internazionale in Italy.

De si bons Américains is a picaresque novel in which he observes the lives of America's nouveaux riches. A vastly reworked and expanded version was published in 2012 as Dark Diversions, Saul's first novel in over fifteen years.
Non-fiction
Voltaire's Bastards, The Doubter's Companion and The Unconscious Civilization

Saul's non-fiction output began with the trilogy made up of the bestseller Voltaire's Bastards: The Dictatorship of Reason in the West published in 1992, the polemic philosophical dictionary The Doubter's Companion: A Dictionary of Aggressive Common Sense (1994), and the book that grew out of his 1995 Massey Lectures, The Unconscious Civilization (1995). The last won the 1996 Governor General's Award for Non-Fiction Literature.

These books deal with themes such as the dictatorship of reason unbalanced by other human qualities, how it can be used for any ends especially in a directionless state that rewards the pursuit of power for power's sake. He argues that this leads to deformations of thought such as ideology promoted as truth; the rational but anti-democratic structures of corporatism, by which he means the worship of small groups; and the use of language and expertise to mask a practical understanding of the harm caused by this, and what else our society might do. He argues that the rise of individualism with no regard for the role of society has not created greater individual autonomy and self-determination, as was once hoped, but isolation and alienation. He calls for a pursuit of a more humanist ideal in which reason is balanced with other human mental capacities such as common sense, ethics, intuition, creativity, and memory, for the sake of the common good, and he discusses the importance of unfettered language and practical democracy: these human attributes are elaborated upon in his 2001 book On Equilibrium.
Reflections of a Siamese Twin

He expanded on these themes as they relate to Canada and its history and culture in Reflections of a Siamese Twin (1998). In this book, he coined the idea of Canada being a "soft" country, meaning not that the nation is weak, but that it has a flexible and complex identity, as opposed to the unyielding or monolithic identities of other states.

He argues that Canada's complex national identity is made up of the "triangular reality" of three nations that compose it: First Peoples, francophones, and anglophones. He emphasizes the willingness of these Canadian nations to compromise with one another, as opposed to resorting to open confrontations. In the same vein, he criticizes both those in the Quebec separatist Montreal School for emphasizing the conflicts in Canadian history and the Orange Order and the Clear Grits traditionally seeking clear definitions of Canadian-ness and loyalty.
On Equilibrium

Saul's next book, On Equilibrium (2001), is effectively a fourth, concluding volume to his philosophical quartet. He identifies six qualities as common to all people: common sense, ethics, imagination, intuition, memory, and reason. He describes how these inner forces can be used to balance each other, and what happens when they are unbalanced, for example in the case of a "Dictatorship of Reason".
The Collapse of Globalism

In an article written for Harper's magazine's March 2004 issue, titled The Collapse of Globalism and the Rebirth of Nationalism, he argued that the globalist ideology was under attack by counter-movements. Saul rethought and developed this argument in The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World (2005). Far from being an inevitable force, Saul argued that globalization is already breaking up into contradictory pieces and that citizens are reasserting their national interests in both positive and destructive ways. Following the economic collapse he had predicted, The Collapse of Globalism was re-issued in 2009 with a new epilogue that addressed the current crisis.
A Fair Country

A Fair Country (2008) is Saul's second major work on Canada. It is organized into four subsections.

"A Métis Civilization"
This section picks up on the argument that Saul makes in Reflections of a Siamese Twin about the 'triangular reality of Canada'. Drawing on the work of scholars like Harold Innis and Gerald Friesen,[7] Saul argues that contemporary Canada has been deeply influenced and shaped by Aboriginal ideas and the experience of both Francophone and Anglophone immigrants over the 250 years, from 1600 on, during which Aboriginals were either the dominant force in Canada, or equal partners. He argues that Aboriginals are making a rapid “comeback”, and that their fundamental influence needs to be recognized in order for non-Aboriginal Canadians to understand themselves.

"Peace, Fairness, and Good Government"
In this section Saul argues that instead of the phrase "peace, order, and good government", which appears in and has become a touchstone of the 1867 Canadian Constitution, the phrase that dominated previous Canadian documents was "peace, welfare, and good government". Saul suggests that the ensuing emphasis on "order" has not truly represented Canadian origins.

"The Castrati"
This sections echoes Saul's more general critiques of technocratic and bureaucratic regimes. He also suggests that while current Canadian elites reflect a "disturbing mediocrity" this was not always the case.[8]

"An Intentional Civilization"
Saul uses the final section of the book to argue for a return to an understanding of Canada as a unique response to particular historical circumstances.

Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine and Robert Baldwin

Saul's contribution to Penguin Canada's Extraordinary Canadians series, of which he serves as general editor, is a double biography of Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine and Robert Baldwin. In it, he argues that Canada did not begin in 1867, but that in fact its foundations were laid by LaFontaine and Baldwin much earlier. The two leaders of Lower and Upper Canada, respectively, worked together after the 1841 Union to lead a reformist movement for responsible government run by elected citizens instead of a colonial governor. But it was during the "Great Ministry" of 1848—51 that the two politicians implemented laws that Saul argues created a more equitable country. They revamped judicial institutions, created a public education system, made bilingualism official, designed a network of public roads, began a public postal system, and reformed municipal governance. Faced with opposition, and even violence, Saul contends that the two men united behind a set of principles and programs that formed modern Canada.
The Comeback: How Aboriginals Are Reclaiming Power and Influence

His most recent work, a national bestseller, 'The Comeback: How Aboriginals Are Reclaiming Power and Influence (2014) was a shortlisted nominee for the 2015 Shaughnessy Cohen Prize for Political Writing.[9] The “comeback” that Saul identifies in this new book emphasizes the strides that Aboriginal people have made in reversing years of population decline and cultural oppression. As recently as seventy years ago it was widely assumed that “Indians” were disappearing, the victims of disease, starvation and their own ineptitude for modern civilization. Today we know how wrong that idea was. Canada’s Aboriginal population is growing in numbers and its cultural and political self-confidence seems boundless. In Saul’s view, this observation, while obvious to anyone who studies the history, nonetheless needs hammering home. We are far more used to hearing about the dismal lives of Aboriginal people—their family dysfunction, their crime rates, their impoverished communities—than we are to being told they are a success story. Today’s Aboriginal population, for all the problems that afflict it, has overcome incredible disadvantages to achieve what Saul calls “a position of power, influence and civilizational creativity” in Canadian society.[10]
Speaker

In addition to his selection as the 1995 Massey lecturer, Saul has delivered other notable lectures. He gave the Harold Innis Lecture in 1994. In 2000 he gave the inaugural LaFontaine-Baldwin Symposium Lecture. Saul delivered the J.D. Young Memorial Lecture “A New Era Of Irregular Warfare?” at the Royal Military College of Canada in Kingston, Ontario on February 4, 2004.[11] He gave the 2005 IDEAS lecture in Brisbane, Australia, the 2007 Captive Mind Lecture in Kraków, Poland, and in 2008 gave the 33rd Sir Winston Scott Memorial Lecture in Barbados. He also delivered the 2009 McGill Law Journal's Annual Lecture at the McGill Faculty of Law in Montreal on February 3, 2009.[12] Saul also spoke at the Sydney Opera House on 26 August 2012 on the subject "It's Broke: How do we fix it?"[13]
Activities

Saul is co-chair of the Institute for Canadian Citizenship, which encourages new Canadians to become active citizens. He is patron and former president of the Canadian Centre of PEN International. He is also founder and honorary chair of French for the Future, which encourages bilingual French-English education, chair of the advisory board for the LaFontaine-Baldwin Symposium lecture series, and a patron of Planned Lifetime Advocacy Network (PLAN — a cutting edge organization tied to people with disabilities). A companion in the Order of Canada (1999), he is also chevalier in the Ordre des Arts et des Lettres of France (1996). His 18 honorary degrees range from McGill University and the University of Ottawa to Herzen University in Saint Petersburg, Russia. On October 17, 2014, he received his latest honorary degree from the University of Winnipeg.[14] From 1999 until 2006 when his wife Adrienne Clarkson was Governor General of Canada he was Canada's vice-regal consort, during which he devoted much of his time to issues of freedom of expression, poverty, public education and bilingualism.
PEN International

Saul was elected as the international president for a three-year term at the PEN Annual Congress in Linz, Austria in October 2009. He was the first Canadian to be elected to that position, one which had previously been occupied by literary heavyweights such as John Galsworthy, Arthur Miller, Heinrich Böll, Mario Vargas Llosa and Homero Aridjis.[15] He campaigned on the need to pay attention to smaller and endangered languages and cultures, arguing that the ultimate removal of freedom of expression was the loss of a language. He put a specific emphasis on endangered indigenous languages. He called for a further decentralization of PEN, which has 144 centres in 102 countries. He argues that literature and freedom of expression are the same thing; that you cannot have one without the other. Saul has testified before the European Parliament Human Rights Commission on the loss of freedom of expression in Tunisia, has spoken before European Council on Refugees in Exile, and has published an essay on writers in exile, which has been translated into several languages.
The Institute for Canadian Citizenship

Saul founded, and currently co-chairs, the Institute for Canadian Citizenship (ICC) with Adrienne Clarkson. The ICC is a national, non-profit charity that helps accelerate new citizens’ integration into Canadian life through original programs, collaborations and unique volunteer opportunities. While its focus is on encouraging new citizens to take their rightful place in Canada, the ICC aims to encourage all citizens – new or not – to embrace active citizenship in their daily life.
Bibliography
Fiction

The Birds of Prey (1977)
Baraka (1983)
The Next Best Thing (1986)
The Paradise Eater (1988)
De si bons américains (1994)
Dark Diversions (2012)

Non-fiction

Voltaire's Bastards: The Dictatorship of Reason in the West (1992)
The Doubter's Companion: A Dictionary of Aggressive Common Sense (1994)
The Unconscious Civilization (1995)
Le Citoyen dans un cul-de-sac?: Anatomie d'une société en crise (1996)
Reflections of a Siamese Twin: Canada at the End of the Twentieth Century (1997)
On Equilibrium: Six Qualities of the New Humanism (2001)
The John W. Holmes Memorial Lecture (2004)
The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World (2005)
Joseph Howe and the Battle for Freedom of Speech (2006)
A Fair Country: Telling Truths About Canada (2008)
Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine and Robert Baldwin (2010)
The Comeback (2014)
Le Grand Retour (2015) French Edition of The Comeback translated by Daniel Poliquin

Honours

Order of Canada (CC) ribbon bar.svg Order Ontario ribbon bar.svg
QEII Golden Jubilee Medal ribbon.png QEII Diamond Jubilee Medal ribbon.png Ordre des Arts et des Lettres Chevalier ribbon.svg

Italy's Premio Letterario Internazionale, for The Paradise Eater (1990)
Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres de France (1996)
Gordon Montador Award, for The Unconscious Civilization (1996)
Governor General's Literary Award for Non-fiction, for The Unconscious Civilization (1996)
Gordon Montador Award, for Reflections of a Siamese Twin (1998)
Companion of the Order of Canada (1999)
Queen Elizabeth II Golden Jubilee Medal (2002)
Pablo Neruda International Presidential Medal of Honour (2004)
Manhae Literary Prize (2010)
Inaugural Gutenburg Galaxy Award for Literature (2011)
Writers' Union of Canada's Freedom to Read Award (2011)

References

"The Walrus, April 2010 "Citizen Saul"".
Or, more precisely, technocrat-led.
"Speakers' Spotlight".
"Citizen saul".
"Citizen Saul".
"Ralston Saul to focus on indigenous languages at PEN". CBC News. October 23, 2009. Retrieved 27 March 2013.
Friesen, Gerald. Citizens and Nation: An Essay on History, Communication, and Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000.
Saul, John Ralston. A Fair Country: Telling Truths About Canada. Toronto: Viking, 2008 : 174
"Shaughnessy Cohen Prize finalists announced". The Globe and Mail, January 27, 2015.
http://www.geist.com/fact/columns/time-for-a-rewrite/?utm_source=Newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Newsletter%22
His Excellency John Ralston Saul J.D. Young Memorial Lecture “A New Era Of Irregular Warfare?” Lecture Delivered To Faculty And Cadets Royal Military College Kingston, Ontario
The McGill Law Journal Annual Lecture
Saul, John Ralston. "Slaves to Money and Growth: when did saving a bank become more important than saving a country?". The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 18 August 2012.
http://www.uwinnipeg.ca/awards-distinctions/honorary-doctorate/ralston-saul.html

"The walrus, April 2010 "Citizen Saul"".

External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to John Ralston Saul.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: John Ralston Saul

PEN International
Institute for Canadian Citizenship
Interview with Mother Jones, 9 November 2005
John Ralston Saul's entry in The Canadian Encyclopedia
Saul's contribution to Adbusters' "Spirital Insurrection" Issue (#102, July/August 2012), Canada's Spiritual Quest
Interview with Stuart Jeffries The prophet of anti-globalism, The Guardian, 9 June 2005
Good governance as the Key to Gross National Happiness, keynote speech by John Ralston Saul at Rethinking Development (GNH2) in Antigonish, Nova Scotia, June 23, 2005.
A review of Saul's book "The Doubter's Companion"
Inaugural Joseph Howe Lecture, by John Ralston Saul at University of King's College School of Journalism, Halifax, Nova Scotia, March 20, 2004
The Collapse of Globalism MP3, 11 June 2005
Saul's Harper's Magazine Essay: The Collapse of Globalism March 2004 (index only, not full text)
Interview with Scott London from the radio series "Insight and Outlook"
Full text and streaming audio and another transcript of Citizenship vs the Reigning Linear Trap, a public lecture given at the University of South Australia, Adelaide, 29 August 1999
Full text and streaming audio and another transcript of Globalisation and Democracy, a public lecture given at the University of New South Wales, Sydney, January 1999
French for the Future / Le Français Pour L'Avenir
The Annual LaFontaine-Baldwin Symposium Lecture
PEN Canada

Non-profit organization positions
Preceded by
Jiří Gruša International President of PEN International
2009–2015 Succeeded by
Jennifer Clement
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Nathalie Geneviève Marie Kosciusko-Morizet (French pronunciation: [nataˈli kosjysˈko moʁiˈzɛ]) (born 14 May 1973 in the 15th arrondissement of Paris), often referred to by her initials NKM, is a French politician and the current deputy of the 4th electoral constituency of Essonne. She was mayor of Longjumeau from 2008-2013 and was an unsuccessful mayoral candidate for Paris in the local elections in 2014.

She has previously held the positions of Regional Councillor for Île-de-France; Secretary of State for Ecology; and Minister of Ecology, Sustainable Development, Transport and Housing. She was also Assistant General Secretary of the UMP and spokesperson to Nicolas Sarkozy in the 2012 presidential election. Since standing for the Paris mayoralty in March 2014, she has been leader of the opposition of the Council of Paris. From December 2014 to December 2015 she was Vice President of the UMP (renamed The Republicans).

Contents

1 Early life
2 Career
2.1 Local elections
2.2 Member of cabinets
2.3 Municipal candidacy for Paris
2.4 Candidacy for The Republicans primary
3 Political positions
4 Personal life
5 Political held offices
6 References
7 Sources

Early life

Kosciusko-Morizet was born on 14 May 1973. She comes from a political family, the Kosciusko-Morizets. Her grandfather, Jacques Kosciusko (1913–1994) was an academic, a member of the French Resistance during the war, a Gaullist politician and former French ambassador in the US whose father-in-law, André Morizet, was a socialist senator and mayor of Boulogne-Billancourt. Her father François Kosciusko-Morizet (1940-2015) was the mayor of Sèvres. She is also the sister of Pierre Kosciusko-Morizet (b. 1977), one of the founders of Priceminister.com, the third ranked e-commerce site in France. According to genealogists, she is also related to Lucrezia Borgia from her mother's side, the Treuille family.[1]

She graduated from the École Polytechnique and the Collège des Ingénieurs.
Career
Local elections

As a twenty-nine-year-old, she was elected a member of the French National Assembly in 2002, representing the department of Essonne, to the south of Paris, serving out the term for Pierre-André Wiltzer who was appointed deputy minister. She was reelected in 2007 and 2012.

She was elected mayor of Longjumeau (Essonne) in March 2008.
Member of cabinets

In 2007, she became a state secretary in the French government responsible for the environment. Then in 2009 she became state secretary with responsibility for Forward Planning, Assessment of Public Policies and Development of the Digital Economy, before being appointed Minister for Ecology, Sustainable Development, Transport and Housing in November 2010.

In 2012, she left her position as minister to become spokesperson for Nicolas Sarkozy during his presidential reelection campaign.
Municipal candidacy for Paris

In February 2013, she announced she would be a candidate for the Mayor of Paris in the 2014 local elections. She faced among others Rachida Dati in the UMP primary election. The polls had Kosciusko-Morizet as a favourite to win the primary. She was endorsed by François Fillon.[2]

On June 3, 2013 she won UMP's primaries for the office of Mayor of Paris with 58.16% of the vote.

In the Mayoral elections held on March 23 and March 30, 2014, Kosciusko-Morizet's UMP lists were defeated by the lists led by Socialist Deputy Mayor Anne Hidalgo, who was elected Mayor of Paris on April 4, 2015. The Socialist, Green and Communist parties created a coalition with 91 councillors, while the UMP and UDI-Modem parties were relegated to the opposition with 71 councillors.
Candidacy for The Republicans primary

After Nicolas Sarkozy's return in politics in 2014, she has been appointed vice-president of the UMP (since 2015 The Republicans) to represent the moderate fringe of the party, while her rival Laurent Wauquiez represented the hardline part. After the 2015 regional elections, during which Wauquiez successfully ran in Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, she has been ousted by Sarkozy after criticizing his strategy and was replaced by Wauquiez.

Then, she announced her candidacy for the primary. Despite some difficulties, she got the sufficient number of supports to run.
Political positions

Although close to Jacques Chirac throughout his presidency, she is a strong advocate of green issues, and can be described as a part of the "blue ecologists" group. In an interview to the Daily Telegraph in March 2013, she said she held "a lot of admiration" for former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher.[2]
Personal life

She is married to Jean-Pierre Philippe and has two sons, born in 2005 and 2009. In March 2016, she announced that she and JP Philippe have divorced from a common agreement.
Political held offices

Governmental functions

Secretary of State for Ecology : 2007–2009.

Secretary of State and Prospective Development of the Digital Economy : 2009–2010.

Minister for Ecology, Sustainable Development, Transport and Housing: November 2010 – February 2012 (She resigned from government to become spokeswoman of Nicolas Sarkozy's presidential campaign).

Electoral mandates

National Assembly of France

Member of the National Assembly of France for Essonne (4th constituency) : 2002–2007 (Became secretary of State in 2007). Elected in 2002, reelected in 2007.

Regional Council

Regional councillor of Ile-de-France : 2004–2010 (She resigned in November 2010). Reelected in 2010.

Municipal Council

Mayor of Longjumeau : Since 2008.

Municipal councillor of Longjumeau : Since 2008.

Agglomeration Community Council

Vice-president of the Europ'Essonne Agglomeration Community Council : Since 2008.

Member of the Europ'Essonne Agglomeration Community Council : Since 2008.
References

NKM et les Borgia - Le Point

Paris mayoral candidate Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet: I want to lure the French back from London The Daily Telegraph, 1 March 2013

Sources

France portal iconPolitics portal Biography portal

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Mme Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, Assemblée nationale (French)
[1] (French)

Political offices
Preceded by
Jean-Louis Borloo Minister of Ecology, Sustainable Development, Transport and Housing
2010–2012 Succeeded by
François Fillon
Party political offices
Preceded by
Françoise de Panafieu Union for a popular movement Nominee for Mayor of Paris
2014 Most recent
Authority control

WorldCat Identities VIAF: 17440862 LCCN: no2010035245 ISNI: 0000 0001 2122 5872 GND: 139531874 SUDOC: 08208985X BNF: cb14430786h (data)

Categories:

1973 birthsLiving people21st-century French politiciansFrench people of Polish descentFrench women in politicsPoliticians from ParisPoliticians of the French Fifth RepublicThe Republicans (France) politiciansUnion for a Popular Movement politiciansLycée Louis-le-Grand alumniÉcole Polytechnique alumni

Le Bailleul est une commune française, située dans le département de la Sarthe en région Pays de la Loire, peuplée de 1 238 habitants1.

Sommaire

1 Géographie
2 Toponymie
3 Histoire
4 Héraldique
5 Politique et administration
6 Démographie
7 Économie
8 Lieux et monuments
9 Activité et manifestations
9.1 Sports
9.2 Manifestations
10 Personnalités liées
11 Voir aussi
12 Notes et références
12.1 Notes
12.2 Références
13 Liens externes

Géographie

Le Bailleul est une commune du Haut-Anjou sarthois, surnommé le « Maine angevin ». Elle est située à 12 km au nord de La Flèche et 40 km au sud du Mans. Elle dépend du canton de Malicorne-sur-Sarthe.

The global financial system is the worldwide framework of legal agreements, institutions, and both formal and informal economic actors that together facilitate international flows of financial capital for purposes of investment and trade financing. Since emerging in the late 19th century during the first modern wave of economic globalization, its evolution is marked by the establishment of central banks, multilateral treaties, and intergovernmental organizations aimed at improving the transparency, regulation, and effectiveness of international markets.[1][2]:74[3]:1 In the late 1800s, world migration and communication technology facilitated unprecedented growth in international trade and investment. At the onset of World War I, trade contracted as foreign exchange markets became paralyzed by money market illiquidity. Countries sought to defend against external shocks with protectionist policies and trade virtually halted by 1933, worsening the effects of the global Great Depression until a series of reciprocal trade agreements slowly reduced tariffs worldwide. Efforts to revamp the international monetary system after World War II improved exchange rate stability, fostering record growth in global finance.

A series of currency devaluations and oil crises in the 1970s led most countries to float their currencies. The world economy became increasingly financially integrated in the 1980s and 1990s due to capital account liberalization and financial deregulation. A series of financial crises in Europe, Asia, and Latin America followed with contagious effects due to greater exposure to volatile capital flows. The global financial crisis, which originated in the United States in 2007, quickly propagated among other nations and is recognized as the catalyst for the worldwide Great Recession. A market adjustment to Greece's noncompliance with its monetary union in 2009 ignited a sovereign debt crisis among European nations known as the Eurozone crisis.

A country's decision to operate an open economy and globalize its financial capital carries monetary implications captured by the balance of payments. It also renders exposure to risks in international finance, such as political deterioration, regulatory changes, foreign exchange controls, and legal uncertainties for property rights and investments. Both individuals and groups may participate in the global financial system. Consumers and international businesses undertake consumption, production, and investment. Governments and intergovernmental bodies act as purveyors of international trade, economic development, and crisis management. Regulatory bodies establish financial regulations and legal procedures, while independent bodies facilitate industry supervision. Research institutes and other associations analyze data, publish reports and policy briefs, and host public discourse on global financial affairs.

While the global financial system is edging toward greater stability, governments must deal with differing regional or national needs. Some nations are trying to orderly discontinue unconventional monetary policies installed to cultivate recovery, while others are expanding their scope and scale. Emerging market policymakers face a challenge of precision as they must carefully institute sustainable macroeconomic policies during extraordinary market sensitivity without provoking investors to retreat their capital to stronger markets. Nations' inability to align interests and achieve international consensus on matters such as banking regulation has perpetuated the risk of future global financial catastrophes.

Notes et références

↑ Notice communale de [archive] Sablé-sur-Sarthe sur le site de l'EHESS.
↑ a, b et c Décret no 2014-234 du 24 février 2014 portant délimitation des cantons dans le département de la Sarthe. [archive]
↑ http://www.culture.gouv.fr/LH/LH047/PG/FRDAFAN83_OL0615055v001.htm [archive]
↑ http://gw.geneanet.org/cvds?lang=fr;pz=therese;nz=deguent;ocz=0;p=christian+henri;n=leclerc+de+juigne [archive]
↑ Source : Recueil des actes administratifs de la Préfecture de la Sarthe [archive], janvier 2003
↑ « Résultats du premier tour pour le canton de Sablé-sur-Sarthe » [archive], sur le site du Ministère de l'Intérieur [archive] (consulté le 27 mars 2015)
↑ « Résultats du premier tour pour le département de la Sarthe » [archive], sur le site du Ministère de l'Intérieur [archive] (consulté le 27 mars 2015)
↑ « Résultats du 1er tour pour la France entière » [archive], sur le site du Ministère de l'Intérieur [archive] (consulté le 23 mars 2015)
↑ « Résultats du second tour pour le canton de Sablé-sur-Sarthe » [archive], sur le site du Ministère de l'Intérieur [archive] (consulté le 1er avril 2015)
↑ EHESS : Des villages Cassini aux communes d'aujourd'hui [archive] (fiches des quatorze communes du canton)
↑ Structure de la population du canton de 1968 à l'année de la dernière population légale connue [archive]
↑ Fiches Insee - Populations légales du canton pour les années 2006 [archive], 2012 [archive]
↑ Populations légales 2012 des cantons - découpage 2015 [archive], sur le site de l'Insee

Longjumeau (French pronunciation: [lɔ̃.ʒy.mo]) is a commune in the southern suburbs of Paris, France. It is located 18.2 km (11.3 mi) from the center of Paris.

Inhabitants of Longjumeau are known as Longjumellois (French pronunciation: [lõʒymɛˈlwa]).

Contents

1 Transportation
2 Education
3 Personalities
4 Trivia
5 See also
6 References
7 External links

Transportation

Longjumeau is served by three stations on Paris RER line C: Longjumeau, Gravigny – Balizy and Chilly Mazarin RER, which are peaceful due to the low transit.
Education

As of 2016 the six communal preschools (écoles maternelles) had 895 students, and the six communal elementary schools had 1,432 students, making a total of 2,377 students. Schools include:[1]

Public preschools: Albert Schweitzer, Balizy, Jean Bernose, Maryse Bastié, Charles Perrault, and Albert Gubanski
Public elementary schools: Albert Schweitzer, Jules Ferry, Hélène Boucher, Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, Georges Guynemer, and Balizy
Public junior high schools: Collège Louis Pasteur, Collège André Marois, Collège Pablo Picasso
Public senior high schools/sixth-form colleges: Lycée Jacques-Prévert and Lycée des Métiers Jean-Perrin
Private schools: Ecole Maternelle les Saules and Ecole Privée Saint-Anne

Personalities

Vladimir Lenin lived and worked in Longjumeau in 1911.[2]
Loïc Loval, footballer
Benjamin Mendy, footballer
Jérémy Ménez, footballer
Stéphane Owona, footballer
Ibrahima Tandia (born in Longjumeau in 1993), footballer
David Reinhardt, jazz guitarist
Martin Chavant, Lascard, also known as "le taillé" or "l'armoire Longjuméloise".

Trivia

Longjumeau is the setting for the opera-comique Le postillon de Longjumeau by Adolphe Adam where it is presented as an early 19th-century rural community. The opera was first performed in Paris at the Opéra-Comique on 13 October 1836. Performances followed in London at the St. James Theatre on 13 March 1837, and in New Orleans at the Théâtre d'Orléans on 19 April 1838.

Longjumeau is twinned with Pontypool in South Wales, UK.
See also

Paris portal

Communes of the Essonne department

References

INSEE
Mayors of Essonne Association (French)

"Tout savoir sur la rentrée longjumelloise." Longjumeau. Retrieved on September 3, 2016.

Ulam, Adam Bruno (1965). The Bolsheviks: the intellectual and political history of the triumph of communism in Russia. Harvard University Press (published 2009). p. 282. ISBN 9780674044531. Retrieved 2015-10-07. "In 1911 there was a slight upturn in [Lenin's] political and personal fortunes. The Bolsheviks now organized their own Party school in Longjumeau, near Paris. [...] He and his wife [...] lived in Longjumeau during the spring and summer."

External links

Media related to Longjumeau at Wikimedia Commons
Official website (French)
Mérimée database - Cultural heritage (French)
Land use (IAURIF) (English)

Le 1er juin, François Fillon n'intègre pas le gouvernement de Dominique de Villepin. C’est par un coup de téléphone de Jacques Chirac qu'il apprend qu'« il n'y a pas de place » pour lui au gouvernement, formule que François Fillon ressent comme une humiliation et un désaveu explicite. C'est alors, que peu de temps après, il déclare à un journaliste du Monde qu'il est le seul à avoir mené neuf réformes législatives (dont les réformes portant sur le RMI, les retraites ou les 35 heures) et que lorsque le bilan du mandat de Chirac sera fait, « on ne se souviendra de rien, sauf de [ses] réformes »49, propos qu'il nuancera plus tard comme celui d'« un accès de colère et de vanité50 ».

Il prévient dès lors qu'il va « s'investir à fond dans l'UMP, préparer les échéances futures pour Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007 » et qu'en le refusant dans le nouveau gouvernement, on a fait de lui « un directeur de campagne avant l'heureKelly 13 ».

Les propos de Fillon font mouche dans la classe politique peu habituée à ces emportements de quelqu'un perçu comme « gentil », pondéré, voire en retrait. C'est le discours de la rupture définitive avec Jacques Chirac. Une entrevue houleuse a lieu avec Dominique de Villepin. Fillon conteste plus la forme que le fond de son éviction. Il se sent injustement puni, bouc émissaire des manifestations massives contre ses réformes des retraites et de l’école mais aussi pour son rapprochement politique avec Nicolas SarkozyKelly 14.

Il retourne alors sur ses terres à Sablé et se fait élire de nouveau sénateur le 18 septembre 2005. Conseiller politique du président de l'UMP, il se réfugie aussi un temps dans l’écriture et publie ses réflexions et ses idées dans un ouvrage intitulé La France peut supporter la vérité à l'automne 2006. La phrase « La France peut supporter la vérité » (reprise de Pierre Mendès France)[réf. nécessaire]51 devient son mot d’ordre52 et sa ligne politique : « dire la vérité aux Français ». En avril 2006, il dit : « Plus il y a d'impôts, moins il y a d'emplois53. » Il est qualifié de « gaulliste social » le 17 mai 2007 dans le journal Libération54.

Parallèlement, il participe durant deux ans à la mise au point du programme de l’UMP en vue de l'élection présidentielle de 2007, participant à de nombreuses conventions thématiques. Aux côtés notamment d’Emmanuelle Mignon, il va travailler sur le programme de l’UMP qui sera présenté lors de l'élection présidentielle. Sur les deux cents propositions émises par les groupes de réflexion qu’il coordonne, trente d'entre elles sont retenues et constituent la colonne vertébrale du projet de l’UMPKelly 15. Bien qu’il n'apparaisse pas dans l’organigramme officiel de campagne de Nicolas Sarkozy, Fillon devient l’un de ses collaborateurs principaux aux côtés de Claude Guéant, le directeur de la campagne présidentielle, et de David Martinon, le chef de cabinet du candidat à la présidence de la République française.

En septembre 2006, sans consulter Nicolas Sarkozy, François Fillon commence à s’impliquer concrètement dans les médias et annonce qu’en cas de victoire de ce dernier, les régimes spéciaux de retraites seront réformés dès le début de la législature. Si ces propos provoquent un tollé dans la classe politique et chez les syndicats, ils sont approuvés par Nicolas Sarkozy et par l'opinion publiqueKelly 16.

Emergence of financial globalization: 1870–1914
Main article: Economic globalization
A map showing the route of the first transatlantic cable laid to connect North America and Europe.
The SS Great Eastern, a steamship which laid the transatlantic cable beneath the ocean.

The world experienced substantial changes prior to 1914, which created an environment favorable to an increase in and development of international financial centers. Principal among such changes were unprecedented growth in capital flows and the resulting rapid financial center integration, as well as faster communication. Before 1870, London and Paris existed as the world's only prominent financial centers.[4]:1 Soon after, Berlin and New York grew to become major financial centres. An array of smaller financial centers became important as they found market niches, such as Amsterdam, Brussels, Zurich, and Geneva. London remained the leading international financial center in the four decades leading up to World War I.[2]:74–75[5]:12–15

The first modern wave of economic globalization began during the period of 1870–1914, marked by transportation expansion, record levels of migration, enhanced communications, trade expansion, and growth in capital transfers.[2]:75 During the mid-nineteenth century, the passport system in Europe dissolved as rail transport expanded rapidly. Most countries issuing passports did not require their carry, thus people could travel freely without them.[6] The standardization of international passports would not arise until 1980 under the guidance of the United Nations' International Civil Aviation Organization.[7] From 1870 to 1915, 36 million Europeans migrated away from Europe. Approximately 25 million (or 70%) of these travelers migrated to the United States, while most of the rest reached Canada, Australia, Argentina, and Brazil. Europe itself experienced an influx of foreigners from 1860 to 1910, growing from 0.7% of the population to 1.8%. While the absence of meaningful passport requirements allowed for free travel, migration on such an enormous scale would have been prohibitively difficult if not for technological advances in transportation, particularly the expansion of railway travel and the dominance of steam-powered boats over traditional sailing ships. World railway mileage grew from 205,000 kilometers in 1870 to 925,000 kilometers in 1906, while steamboat cargo tonnage surpassed that of sailboats in the 1890s. Advancements such as the telephone and wireless telegraphy (the precursor to radio) revolutionized telecommunication by providing instantaneous communication. In 1866, the first transatlantic cable was laid beneath the ocean to connect London and New York, while Europe and Asia became connected through new landlines.[2]:75–76[8]:5

Economic globalization grew under free trade, starting in 1860 when the United Kingdom entered into a free trade agreement with France known as the Cobden–Chevalier Treaty. However, the golden age of this wave of globalization endured a return to protectionism between 1880 and 1914. In 1879, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck introduced protective tariffs on agricultural and manufacturing goods, making Germany the first nation to institute new protective trade policies. In 1892, France introduced the Méline tariff, greatly raising customs duties on both agricultural and manufacturing goods. The United States maintained strong protectionism during most of the nineteenth century, imposing customs duties between 40 and 50% on imported goods. Despite these measures, international trade continued to grow without slowing. Paradoxically, foreign trade grew at a much faster rate during the protectionist phase of the first wave of globalization than during the free trade phase sparked by the United Kingdom.[2]:76–77

Unprecedented growth in foreign investment from the 1880s to the 1900s served as the core driver of financial globalization. The worldwide total of capital invested abroad amounted to US$44 billion in 1913 ($1.02 trillion in 2012 dollars[9]), with the greatest share of foreign assets held by the United Kingdom (42%), France (20%), Germany (13%), and the United States (8%). The Netherlands, Belgium, and Switzerland together held foreign investments on par with Germany at around 12%.[2]:77–78
Panic of 1907
Main article: Panic of 1907
See also: List of banking crises
A crowd forms on Wall Street during the Panic of 1907.

In October 1907, the United States experienced a bank run on the Knickerbocker Trust Company, forcing the trust to close on October 23, 1907, provoking further reactions. The panic was alleviated when U.S. Secretary of the Treasury George B. Cortelyou and John Pierpont "J.P." Morgan deposited $25 million and $35 million, respectively, into the reserve banks of New York City, enabling withdrawals to be fully covered. The bank run in New York led to a money market crunch which occurred simultaneously as demands for credit heightened from cereal and grain exporters. Since these demands could only be serviced through the purchase of substantial quantities of gold in London, the international markets became exposed to the crisis. The Bank of England had to sustain an artificially high discount lending rate until 1908. To service the flow of gold to the United States, the Bank of England organized a pool from among twenty-four different nations, for which the Banque de France temporarily lent £3 million (GBP, 305.6 million in 2012 GBP[10]) in gold.[2]:123–124
Birth of the U.S. Federal Reserve System: 1913
Main article: Federal Reserve System

The United States Congress passed the Federal Reserve Act in 1913, giving rise to the Federal Reserve System. Its inception drew influence from the Panic of 1907, underpinning legislators' hesitance in trusting individual investors, such as John Pierpont Morgan, to serve again as a lender of last resort. The system's design also considered the findings of the Pujo Committee's investigation of the possibility of a money trust in which Wall Street's concentration of influence over national financial matters was questioned and in which investment bankers were suspected of unusually deep involvement in the directorates of manufacturing corporations. Although the committee's findings were inconclusive, the very possibility was enough to motivate support for the long-resisted notion of establishing a central bank. The Federal Reserve's overarching aim was to become the sole lender of last resort and to resolve the inelasticity of the United States' money supply during significant shifts in money demand. In addition to addressing the underlying issues that precipitated the international ramifications of the 1907 money market crunch, New York's banks were liberated from the need to maintain their own reserves and began undertaking greater risks. New access to rediscount facilities enabled them to launch foreign branches, bolstering New York's rivalry with London's competitive discount market.[2]:123–124[5]:53[11]:18[12]
Interwar period: 1915–1944
See also: Hyperinflation in the Weimar Republic and World War I reparations
German infantry crossing a battlefield in France in August 1914.
British soldiers resting before the Battle of Mons with German troops along the French border in August 1914.

Economists have referred to the onset of World War I as the end of an age of innocence for foreign exchange markets, as it was the first geopolitical conflict to have a destabilizing and paralyzing impact. The United Kingdom declared war on Germany on August 4, 1914 following Germany's invasion of France and Belgium. In the weeks prior, the foreign exchange market in London was the first to exhibit distress. European tensions and increasing political uncertainty motivated investors to chase liquidity, prompting commercial banks to borrow heavily from London's discount market. As the money market tightened, discount lenders began rediscounting their reserves at the Bank of England rather than discounting new pounds sterling. The Bank of England was forced to raise discount rates daily for three days from 3% on July 30 to 10% by August 1. As foreign investors resorted to buying pounds for remittance to London just to pay off their newly maturing securities, the sudden demand for pounds led the pound to appreciate beyond its gold value against most major currencies, yet sharply depreciate against the French franc after French banks began liquidating their London accounts. Remittance to London became increasingly difficult and culminated in a record exchange rate of $6.50 USD/GBP. Emergency measures were introduced in the form of moratoria and extended bank holidays, but to no effect as financial contracts became informally unable to be negotiated and export embargoes thwarted gold shipments. A week later, the Bank of England began to address the deadlock in the foreign exchange markets by establishing a new channel for transatlantic payments whereby participants could make remittance payments to the U.K. by depositing gold designated for a Bank of England account with Canada's Minister of Finance, and in exchange receive pounds sterling at an exchange rate of $4.90. Approximately $104 million USD in remittances flowed through this channel in the next two months. However, pound sterling liquidity ultimately did not improve due to inadequate relief for merchant banks receiving sterling bills. As the pound sterling was the world's reserve currency and leading vehicle currency, market illiquidity and merchant banks' hesitance to accept sterling bills left currency markets paralyzed.[11]:23–24

The U.K. government attempted several measures to revive the London foreign exchange market, the most notable of which were implemented on September 5 to extend the previous moratorium through October and allow the Bank of England to temporarily loan funds to be paid back upon the end of the war in an effort to settle outstanding or unpaid acceptances for currency transactions. By mid-October, the London market began functioning properly as a result of the September measures. The war continued to present unfavorable circumstances for the foreign exchange market, such as the London Stock Exchange's prolonged closure, the redirection of economic resources to support a transition from producing exports to producing military armaments, and myriad disruptions of freight and mail. The pound sterling enjoyed general stability throughout World War I, in large part due to various steps taken by the U.K. government to influence the pound's value in ways that yet provided individuals with the freedom to continue trading currencies. Such measures included open market interventions on foreign exchange, borrowing in foreign currencies rather than in pounds sterling to finance war activities, outbound capital controls, and limited import restrictions.[11]:25–27

In 1930, the Allied powers established the Bank for International Settlements (BIS). The principal purposes of the BIS were to manage the scheduled payment of Germany's reparations imposed by the Treaty of Versailles in 1919, and to function as a bank for central banks around the world. Nations may hold a portion of their reserves as deposits with the institution. It also serves as a forum for central bank cooperation and research on international monetary and financial matters. The BIS also operates as a general trustee and facilitator of financial settlements between nations.[2]:182[13]:531–532[14]:56–57[15]:269
Smoot–Hawley tariff of 1930
Main article: Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act

U.S. President Herbert Hoover signed the Smoot–Hawley Tariff Act into law on June 17, 1930. The tariff's aim was to protect agriculture in the United States, but congressional representatives ultimately raised tariffs on a host of manufactured goods resulting in average duties as high as 53% on over a thousand various goods. Twenty-five trading partners responded in kind by introducing new tariffs on a wide range of U.S. goods. Hoover was pressured and compelled to adhere to the Republican Party's 1928 platform, which sought protective tariffs to alleviate market pressures on the nation's struggling agribusinesses and reduce the domestic unemployment rate. The culmination of the Stock Market Crash of 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression heightened fears, further pressuring Hoover to act on protective policies against the advice of Henry Ford and over 1,000 economists who protested by calling for a veto of the act.[8]:175–176[15]:186–187[16]:43–44 Exports from the United States plummeted 60% from 1930 to 1933.[8]:118 Worldwide international trade virtually ground to a halt.[17]:125–126 The international ramifications of the Smoot-Hawley tariff, comprising protectionist and discriminatory trade policies and bouts of economic nationalism, are credited by economists with prolongment and worldwide propagation of the Great Depression.[3]:2[17]:108[18]:33
Formal abandonment of the Gold Standard
Main article: Gold standard
Income per capita throughout the Great Depression as viewed from an international perspective. Triangles mark points at which nations abandoned the gold standard by suspending gold convertibility or devaluing their currencies against gold.

The classical gold standard was established in 1821 by the United Kingdom as the Bank of England enabled redemption of its banknotes for gold bullion. France, Germany, the United States, Russia, and Japan each embraced the standard one by one from 1878 to 1897, marking its international acceptance. The first departure from the standard occurred in August 1914 when these nations erected trade embargoes on gold exports and suspended redemption of gold for banknotes. Following the end of World War I on November 11, 1918, Austria, Hungary, Germany, Russia, and Poland began experiencing hyperinflation. Having informally departed from the standard, most currencies were freed from exchange rate fixing and allowed to float. Most countries throughout this period sought to gain national advantages and bolster exports by depreciating their currency values to predatory levels. A number of countries, including the United States, made unenthusiastic and uncoordinated attempts to restore the former gold standard. The early years of the Great Depression brought about bank runs in the United States, Austria, and Germany, which placed pressures on gold reserves in the United Kingdom to such a degree that the gold standard became unsustainable. Germany became the first nation to formally abandon the post-World War I gold standard when the Dresdner Bank implemented foreign exchange controls and announced bankruptcy on July 15, 1931. In September 1931, the United Kingdom allowed the pound sterling to float freely. By the end of 1931, a host of countries including Austria, Canada, Japan, and Sweden abandoned gold. Following widespread bank failures and a hemorrhaging of gold reserves, the United States broke free of the gold standard in April 1933. France would not follow suit until 1936 as investors fled from the franc due to political concerns over Prime Minister Léon Blum's government.[11]:58[17]:414[18]:32–33
Trade liberalization in the United States
Main article: Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act
See also: Glass–Steagall Legislation

The disastrous effects of the Smoot–Hawley tariff proved difficult for Herbert Hoover's 1932 re-election campaign. Franklin D. Roosevelt became the 32nd U.S. president and the Democratic Party worked to reverse trade protectionism in favor of trade liberalization. As an alternative to cutting tariffs across all imports, Democrats advocated for trade reciprocity. The U.S. Congress passed the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act in 1934, aimed at restoring global trade and reducing unemployment. The legislation expressly authorized President Roosevelt to negotiate bilateral trade agreements and reduce tariffs considerably. If a country agreed to cut tariffs on certain commodities, the U.S. would institute corresponding cuts to promote trade between the two nations. Between 1934 and 1947, the U.S. negotiated 29 such agreements and the average tariff rate decreased by approximately one third during this same period. The legislation contained an important most-favored-nation clause, through which tariffs were equalized to all countries, such that trade agreements would not result in preferential or discriminatory tariff rates with certain countries on any particular import, due to the difficulties and inefficiencies associated with differential tariff rates. The clause effectively generalized tariff reductions from bilateral trade agreements, ultimately reducing worldwide tariff rates

Rise of the Bretton Woods financial order: 1945
Main article: Bretton Woods system
Assistant U.S. Treasury Secretary, Harry Dexter White (left) and John Maynard Keynes, honorary adviser to the U.K. Treasury at the inaugural meeting of the International Monetary Fund's Board of Governors in Savannah, Georgia, U.S., March 8, 1946.

As the inception of the United Nations as an intergovernmental entity slowly began formalizing in 1944, delegates from 44 of its early member states met at a hotel in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire for the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference, now commonly referred to as the Bretton Woods conference. Delegates remained cognizant of the effects of the Great Depression, struggles to sustain the international gold standard during the 1930s, and related market instabilities. Whereas previous discourse on the international monetary system focused on fixed versus floating exchange rates, Bretton Woods delegates favored pegged exchange rates for their flexibility. Under this system, nations would peg their exchange rates to the U.S. dollar, which would be convertible to gold at $35 USD per ounce.[8]:448[19]:34[20]:3[21]:6 This arrangement is commonly referred to as the Bretton Woods system. Rather than maintaining fixed rates, nations would peg their currencies to the U.S. dollar and allow their exchange rates to fluctuate within a 1% band of the agreed-upon parity. To meet this requirement, central banks would intervene via sales or purchases of their currencies against the dollar.[13]:491–493[15]:296[22]:21 Members could adjust their pegs in response to long-run fundamental disequillibria in the balance of payments, but were responsible for correcting imbalances via fiscal and monetary policy tools before resorting to repegging strategies.[8]:448[23]:22 The adjustable pegging enabled greater exchange rate stability for commercial and financial transactions which fostered unprecedented growth in international trade and foreign investment. This feature grew from delegates' experiences in the 1930s when excessively volatile exchange rates and the reactive protectionist exchange controls that followed proved destructive to trade and prolonged the deflationary effects of the Great Depression. Capital mobility faced de facto limits under the system as governments instituted restrictions on capital flows and aligned their monetary policy to support their pegs.[8]:448[24]:38[25]:91[26]:30

An important component of the Bretton Woods agreements was the creation of two new international financial institutions, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD). Collectively referred to as the Bretton Woods institutions, they became operational in 1947 and 1946 respectively. The IMF was established to support the monetary system by facilitating cooperation on international monetary issues, providing advisory and technical assistance to members, and offering emergency lending to nations experiencing repeated difficulties restoring the balance of payments equilibrium. Members would contribute funds to a pool according to their share of gross world product, from which emergency loans could be issued.[22]:21[27]:9–10[28]:20–22 Member states were authorized and encouraged to employ capital controls as necessary to manage payments imbalances and meet pegging targets, but prohibited from relying on IMF financing to cover particularly short-term capital hemorrhages.[24]:38 While the IMF was instituted to guide members and provide a short-term financing window for recurrent balance of payments deficits, the IBRD was established to serve as a type of financial intermediary for channeling global capital toward long-term investment opportunities and postwar reconstruction projects.[29]:22 The creation of these organizations was a crucial milestone in the evolution of the international financial architecture, and some economists consider it the most significant achievement of multilateral cooperation following World War II.[24]:39[30]:1–3 Since the establishment of the International Development Association (IDA) in 1960, the IBRD and IDA are together known as the World Bank. While the IBRD lends to middle-income developing countries, the IDA extends the Bank's lending program by offering concessional loans and grants to the world's poorest nations.[31]
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade: 1947
Main article: General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
See also: List of free trade agreements and List of international trade topics

In 1947, 23 countries concluded the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) at a UN conference in Geneva. Delegates intended the agreement to suffice while member states would negotiate creation of a UN body to be known as the International Trade Organization (ITO). As the ITO never became ratified, GATT became the de facto framework for later multilateral trade negotiations. Members emphasized trade reprocity as an approach to lowering barriers in pursuit of mutual gains.[16]:46 The agreement's structure enabled its signatories to codify and enforce regulations for trading of goods and services.[32]:11 GATT was centered on two precepts: trade relations needed to be equitable and nondiscriminatory, and subsidizing non-agricultural exports needed to be prohibited. As such, the agreement's most favored nation clause prohibited members from offering preferential tariff rates to any nation that it would not otherwise offer to fellow GATT members. In the event of any discovery of non-agricultural subsidies, members were authorized to offset such policies by enacting countervailing tariffs.[13]:460 The agreement provided governments with a transparent structure for managing trade relations and avoiding protectionist pressures.[17]:108 However, GATT's principles did not extend to financial activity, consistent with the era's rigid discouragement of capital movements.[33]:70–71 The agreement's initial round achieved only limited success in reducing tariffs. While the U.S. reduced its tariffs by one third, other signatories offered much smaller trade concessions.[25]:99
Resurgence of financial globalization
Flexible exchange rate regimes: 1973-present
World reserves of foreign exchange and gold in billions of U.S. dollars in 2009.

Although the exchange rate stability sustained by the Bretton Woods system facilitated expanding international trade, this early success masked its underlying design flaw, wherein there existed no mechanism for increasing the supply of international reserves to support continued growth in trade.[22]:22 The system began experiencing insurmountable market pressures and deteriorating cohesion among its key participants in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Central banks needed more U.S. dollars to hold as reserves, but were unable to expand their money supplies if doing so meant exceeding their dollar reserves and threatening their exchange rate pegs. To accommodate these needs, the Bretton Woods system depended on the United States to run dollar deficits. As a consequence, the dollar's value began exceeding its gold backing. During the early 1960s, investors could sell gold for a greater dollar exchange rate in London than in the United States, signaling to market participants that the dollar was overvalued. Belgian-American economist Robert Triffin defined this problem now known as the Triffin dilemma, in which a country's national economic interests conflict with its international objectives as the custodian of the world's reserve currency.[19]:34–35

France voiced concerns over the artificially low price of gold in 1968 and called for returns to the former gold standard. Meanwhile, excess dollars flowed into international markets as the United States expanded its money supply to accommodate the costs of its military campaign in the Vietnam War. Its gold reserves were assaulted by speculative investors following its first current account deficit since the 19th century. In August 1971, President Richard Nixon suspended the exchange of U.S. dollars for gold as part of the Nixon Shock. The closure of the gold window effectively shifted the adjustment burdens of a devalued dollar to other nations. Speculative traders chased other currencies and began selling dollars in anticipation of these currencies being revalued against the dollar. These influxes of capital presented difficulties to foreign central banks, which then faced choosing among inflationary money supplies, largely ineffective capital controls, or floating exchange rates.[19]:34–35[34]:14–15 Following these woes surrounding the U.S. dollar, the dollar price of gold was raised to $38 USD per ounce and the Bretton Woods system was modified to allow fluctuations within an augmented band of 2.25% as part of the Smithsonian Agreement signed by the G-10 members in December 1971. The agreement delayed the system's demise for a further two years.[21]:6–7 The system's erosion was expedited not only by the dollar devaluations that occurred, but also by the oil crises of the 1970s which emphasized the importance of international financial markets in petrodollar recycling and balance of payments financing. Once the world's reserve currency began to float, other nations began adopting floating exchange rate regimes.[14]:5–7
The post-Bretton Woods financial order: 1976
See also: International Monetary Fund
Headquarters of the International Monetary Fund in Washington, D.C.

As part of the first amendment to its articles of agreement in 1969, the IMF developed a new reserve instrument called special drawing rights (SDRs), which could be held by central banks and exchanged among themselves and the Fund as an alternative to gold. SDRs entered service in 1970 originally as units of a market basket of sixteen major vehicle currencies of countries whose share of total world exports exceeded 1%. The basket's composition changed over time and presently consists of the U.S. dollar, euro, Japanese yen, Chinese yuan, and British pound. Beyond holding them as reserves, nations can denominate transactions among themselves and the Fund in SDRs, although the instrument is not a vehicle for trade. In international transactions, the currency basket's portfolio characteristic affords greater stability against the uncertainties inherent with free floating exchange rates.[18]:34–35[24]:50–51[25]:117[27]:10 Special drawing rights were originally equivalent to a specified amount of gold, but were not directly redeemable for gold and instead served as a surrogate in obtaining other currencies that could be exchanged for gold. The Fund initially issued 9.5 billion XDR from 1970 to 1972.[29]:182–183

IMF members signed the Jamaica Agreement in January 1976, which ratified the end of the Bretton Woods system and reoriented the Fund's role in supporting the international monetary system. The agreement officially embraced the flexible exchange rate regimes that emerged after the failure of the Smithsonian Agreement measures. In tandem with floating exchange rates, the agreement endorsed central bank interventions aimed at clearing excessive volatility. The agreement retroactively formalized the abandonment of gold as a reserve instrument and the Fund subsequently demonetized its gold reserves, returning gold to members or selling it to provide poorer nations with relief funding. Developing countries and countries not endowed with oil export resources enjoyed greater access to IMF lending programs as a result. The Fund continued assisting nations experiencing balance of payments deficits and currency crises, but began imposing conditionality on its funding that required countries to adopt policies aimed at reducing deficits through spending cuts and tax increases, reducing protective trade barriers, and contractionary monetary policy.[18]:36[28]:47–48[35]:12–13

The second amendment to the articles of agreement was signed in 1978. It legally formalized the free-floating acceptance and gold demonetization achieved by the Jamaica Agreement, and required members to support stable exchange rates through macroeconomic policy. The post-Bretton Woods system was decentralized in that member states retained autonomy in selecting an exchange rate regime. The amendment also expanded the institution's capacity for oversight and charged members with supporting monetary sustainability by cooperating with the Fund on regime implementation.[24]:62–63[25]:138 This role is called IMF surveillance and is recognized as a pivotal point in the evolution of the Fund's mandate, which was extended beyond balance of payments issues to broader concern with internal and external stresses on countries' overall economic policies.[25]:148[30]:10–11

Under the dominance of flexible exchange rate regimes, the foreign exchange markets became significantly more volatile. In 1980, newly elected U.S. President Ronald Reagan's administration brought about increasing balance of payments deficits and budget deficits. To finance these deficits, the United States offered artificially high real interest rates to attract large inflows of foreign capital. As foreign investors' demand for U.S. dollars grew, the dollar's value appreciated substantially until reaching its peak in February 1985. The U.S. trade deficit grew to $160 billion in 1985 ($341 billion in 2012 dollars[9]) as a result of the dollar's strong appreciation. The G5 met in September 1985 at the Plaza Hotel in New York City and agreed that the dollar should depreciate against the major currencies to resolve the United States' trade deficit and pledged to support this goal with concerted foreign exchange market interventions, in what became known as the Plaza Accord. The U.S. dollar continued to depreciate, but industrialized nations became increasingly concerned that it would decline too heavily and that exchange rate volatility would increase. To address these concerns, the G7 (now G8) held a summit in Paris in 1987, where they agreed to pursue improved exchange rate stability and better coordinate their macroeconomic policies, in what became known as the Louvre Accord. This accord became the provenance of the managed float regime by which central banks jointly intervene to resolve under- and overvaluations in the foreign exchange market to stabilize otherwise freely floating currencies. Exchange rates stabilized following the embrace of managed floating during the 1990s, with a strong U.S. economic performance from 1997 to 2000 during the Dot-com bubble. After the 2000 stock market correction of the Dot-com bubble the country's trade deficit grew, the September 11 attacks increased political uncertainties, and the dollar began to depreciate in 2001.[14]:175[18]:36–37[19]:37[25]:147[36]:16–17
European Monetary System: 1979
Main article: European Monetary System

Following the Smithsonian Agreement, member states of the European Economic Community adopted a narrower currency band of 1.125% for exchange rates among their own currencies, creating a smaller scale fixed exchange rate system known as the snake in the tunnel. The snake proved unsustainable as it did not compel EEC countries to coordinate macroeconomic policies. In 1979, the European Monetary System (EMS) phased out the currency snake. The EMS featured two key components: the European Currency Unit (ECU), an artificial weighted average market basket of European Union members' currencies, and the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM), a procedure for managing exchange rate fluctuations in keeping with a calculated parity grid of currencies' par values.[11]:130[18]:42–44[37]:185 The parity grid was derived from parities each participating country established for its currency with all other currencies in the system, denominated in terms of ECUs. The weights within the ECU changed in response to variances in the values of each currency in its basket. Under the ERM, if an exchange rate reached its upper or lower limit (within a 2.25% band), both nations in that currency pair were obligated to intervene collectively in the foreign exchange market and buy or sell the under- or overvalued currency as necessary to return the exchange rate to its par value according to the parity matrix. The requirement of cooperative market intervention marked a key difference from the Bretton Woods system. Similarly to Bretton Woods however, EMS members could impose capital controls and other monetary policy shifts on countries responsible for exchange rates approaching their bounds, as identified by a divergence indicator which measured deviations from the ECU's value.[13]:496–497[22]:29–30 The central exchange rates of the parity grid could be adjusted in exceptional circumstances, and were modified every eight months on average during the systems' initial four years of operation.[25]:160 During its twenty-year lifespan, these central rates were adjusted over 50 times.[21]:7
Birth of the World Trade Organization: 1994
Main article: World Trade Organization
WTO Fourth Global Review of Aid for Trade: "Connecting to value chains" - 8–10 July 2013.[38]

The Uruguay Round of GATT multilateral trade negotiations took place from 1986 to 1994, with 123 nations becoming party to agreements achieved throughout the negotiations. Among the achievements were trade liberalization in agricultural goods and textiles, the General Agreement on Trade in Services, and agreements on intellectual property rights issues. The key manifestation of this round was the Marrakech Agreement signed in April 1994, which established the World Trade Organization (WTO). The WTO is a chartered multilateral trade organization, charged with continuing the GATT mandate to promote trade, govern trade relations, and prevent damaging trade practices or policies. It became operational in January 1995. Compared with its GATT secretariat predecessor, the WTO features an improved mechanism for settling trade disputes since the organization is membership-based and not dependent on consensus as in traditional trade negotiations. This function was designed to address prior weaknesses, whereby parties in dispute would invoke delays, obstruct negotiations, or fall back on weak enforcement.[8]:181[13]:459–460[16]:47 In 1997, WTO members reached an agreement which committed to softer restrictions on commercial financial services, including banking services, securities trading, and insurance services. These commitments entered into force in March 1999, consisting of 70 governments accounting for approximately 95% of worldwide financial services.[39]
Financial integration and systemic crises: 1980-present
Main article: Financial integration
See also: Currency crisis and Sovereign default
Number of countries experiencing a banking crisis in each year since 1800. This covers 70 countries. The dramatic feature of this graph is the virtual absence of banking crises during the period of the Bretton Woods system, 1945 to 1971. This analysis is similar to Figure 10.1 in Rogoff and Reinhart (2009)[40]

Financial integration among industrialized nations grew substantially during the 1980s and 1990s, as did liberalization of their capital accounts.[24]:15 Integration among financial markets and banks rendered benefits such as greater productivity and the broad sharing of risk in the macroeconomy. The resulting interdependence also carried a substantive cost in terms of shared vulnerabilities and increased exposure to systemic risks.[41]:440–441 Accompanying financial integration in recent decades was a succession of deregulation, in which countries increasingly abandoned regulations over the behavior of financial intermediaries and simplified requirements of disclosure to the public and to regulatory authorities.[14]:36–37 As economies became more open, nations became increasingly exposed to external shocks. Economists have argued greater worldwide financial integration has resulted in more volatile capital flows, thereby increasing the potential for financial market turbulence. Given greater integration among nations, a systemic crisis in one can easily infect others.[32]:136–137 The 1980s and 1990s saw a wave of currency crises and sovereign defaults, including the 1987 Black Monday stock market crashes, 1992 European Monetary System crisis, 1994 Mexican peso crisis, 1997 Asian currency crisis, 1998 Russian financial crisis, and the 1998–2002 Argentine peso crisis.[2]:254[13]:498[18]:50–58[42]:6–7[43]:26–28 These crises differed in terms of their breadth, causes, and aggravations, among which were capital flights brought about by speculative attacks on fixed exchange rate currencies perceived to be mispriced given a nation's fiscal policy,[14]:83 self-fulfilling speculative attacks by investors expecting other investors to follow suit given doubts about a nation's currency peg,[42]:7 lack of access to developed and functioning domestic capital markets in emerging market countries,[30]:87 and current account reversals during conditions of limited capital mobility and dysfunctional banking systems.[33]:99

Following research of systemic crises that plagued developing countries throughout the 1990s, economists have reached a consensus that liberalization of capital flows carries important prerequisites if these countries are to observe the benefits offered by financial globalization. Such conditions include stable macroeconomic policies, healthy fiscal policy, robust bank regulations, and strong legal protection of property rights. Economists largely favor adherence to an organized sequence of encouraging foreign direct investment, liberalizing domestic equity capital, and embracing capital outflows and short-term capital mobility only once the country has achieved functioning domestic capital markets and established a sound regulatory framework.[14]:25[24]:113 An emerging market economy must develop a credible currency in the eyes of both domestic and international investors to realize benefits of globalization such as greater liquidity, greater savings at higher interest rates, and accelerated economic growth. If a country embraces unrestrained access to foreign capital markets without maintaining a credible currency, it becomes vulnerable to speculative capital flights and sudden stops, which carry serious economic and social costs.[34]:xii

Countries sought to improve the sustainability and transparency of the global financial system in response to crises in the 1980s and 1990s. The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision was formed in 1974 by the G-10 members' central bank governors to facilitate cooperation on the supervision and regulation of banking practices. It is headquartered at the Bank for International Settlements in Basel, Switzerland. The committee has held several rounds of deliberation known collectively as the Basel Accords. The first of these accords, known as Basel I, took place in 1988 and emphasized credit risk and the assessment of different asset classes. Basel I was motivated by concerns over whether large multinational banks were appropriately regulated, stemming from observations during the 1980s Latin American debt crisis. Following Basel I, the committee published recommendations on new capital requirements for banks, which the G-10 nations implemented four years later. In 1999, the G-10 established the Financial Stability Forum (reconstituted by the G-20 in 2009 as the Financial Stability Board) to facilitate cooperation among regulatory agencies and promote stability in the global financial system. The Forum was charged with developing and codifying twelve international standards and implementation thereof.[24]:222–223[30]:12 The Basel II accord was set in 2004 and again emphasized capital requirements as a safeguard against systemic risk as well as the need for global consistency in banking regulations so as not to competitively disadvantage banks operating internationally. It was motivated by what were seen as inadequacies of the first accord such as insufficient public disclosure of banks' risk profiles and oversight by regulatory bodies. Members were slow to implement it, with major efforts by the European Union and United States taking place as late as 2007 and 2008.[14]:153[15]:486–488[24]:160–162 In 2010, the Basel Committee revised the capital requirements in a set of enhancements to Basel II known as Basel III, which centered on a leverage ratio requirement aimed at restricting excessive leveraging by banks. In addition to strengthening the ratio, Basel III modified the formulas used to weight risk and compute the capital thresholds necessary to mitigate the risks of bank holdings, concluding the capital threshold should be set at 7% of the value of a bank's risk-weighted assets.[18]:274[44]
Birth of the European Economic and Monetary Union 1992
Main article: Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union

In February 1992, European Union countries signed the Maastricht Treaty which outlined a three-stage plan to accelerate progress toward an Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). The first stage centered on liberalizing capital mobility and aligning macroeconomic policies between countries. The second stage established the European Monetary Institute which was ultimately dissolved in tandem with the establishment in 1998 of the European Central Bank (ECB) and European System of Central Banks. Key to the Maastricht Treaty was the outlining of convergence criteria that EU members would need to satisfy before being permitted to proceed. The third and final stage introduced a common currency for circulation known as the Euro, adopted by eleven of then-fifteen members of the European Union in January 1999. In doing so, they disaggregated their sovereignty in matters of monetary policy. These countries continued to circulate their national legal tenders, exchangeable for euros at fixed rates, until 2002 when the ECB began issuing official Euro coins and notes. As of 2011, the EMU comprises 17 nations which have issued the Euro, and 11 non-Euro states.[15]:473–474[18]:45–4[21]:7[37]:185–186
Global financial crisis
Main articles: Financial crisis of 2007–08 and Great Recession

Following the market turbulence of the 1990s financial crises and September 11 attacks on the U.S. in 2001, financial integration intensified among developed nations and emerging markets, with substantial growth in capital flows among banks and in the trading of financial derivatives and structured finance products. Worldwide international capital flows grew from $3 trillion to $11 trillion U.S. dollars from 2002 to 2007, primarily in the form of short-term money market instruments. The United States experienced growth in the size and complexity of firms engaged in a broad range of financial services across borders in the wake of the Gramm–Leach–Bliley Act of 1999 which repealed the Glass–Stegall Act of 1933, ending limitations on commercial banks' investment banking activity. Industrialized nations began relying more on foreign capital to finance domestic investment opportunities, resulting in unprecedented capital flows to advanced economies from developing countries, as reflected by global imbalances which grew to 6% of gross world product in 2007 from 3% in 2001.[18]:19[24]:129–130

The global financial crisis precipitated in 2007 and 2008 shared some of the key features exhibited by the wave of international financial crises in the 1990s, including accelerated capital influxes, weak regulatory frameworks, relaxed monetary policies, herd behavior during investment bubbles, collapsing asset prices, and massive deleveraging. The systemic problems originated in the United States and other advanced nations.[24]:133–134 Similarly to the 1997 Asian crisis, the global crisis entailed broad lending by banks undertaking unproductive real estate investments as well as poor standards of corporate governance within financial intermediaries. Particularly in the United States, the crisis was characterized by growing securitization of non-performing assets, large fiscal deficits, and excessive financing in the housing sector.[18]:18–20[33]:21–22 While the real estate bubble in the U.S. triggered the financial crisis, the bubble was financed by foreign capital flowing from many different countries. As its contagious effects began infecting other nations, the crisis became a precursor for the global economic downturn now referred to as the Great Recession. In the wake of the crisis, total volume of world trade in goods and services fell 10% from 2008 to 2009 and did not recover until 2011, with an increased concentration in emerging market countries. The global financial crisis demonstrated the negative effects of worldwide financial integration, sparking discourse on how and whether some countries should decouple themselves from the system altogether.[45][46]:3
Eurozone crisis
Main articles: European debt crisis and Great Recession in Europe

In 2009, a newly elected government in Greece revealed the falsification of its national budget data, and that its fiscal deficit for the year was 12.7% of GDP as opposed to the 3.7% espoused by the previous administration. This news alerted markets to the fact that Greece's deficit exceeded the eurozone's maximum of 3% outlined in the Economic and Monetary Union's Stability and Growth Pact. Investors concerned about a possible sovereign default rapidly sold Greek bonds. Given Greece's prior decision to embrace the euro as its currency, it no longer held monetary policy autonomy and could not intervene to depreciate a national currency to absorb the shock and boost competitiveness, as was the traditional solution to sudden capital flight. The crisis proved contagious when it spread to Portugal, Italy, and Spain (together with Greece these are collectively referred to as the PIGS). Ratings agencies downgraded these countries' debt instruments in 2010 which further increased the costliness of refinancing or repaying their national debts. The crisis continued to spread and soon grew into a European sovereign debt crisis which threatened economic recovery in the wake of the Great Recession. In tandem with the IMF, the European Union members assembled a €750 billion bailout for Greece and other afflicted nations. Additionally, the ECB pledged to purchase bonds from troubled eurozone nations in an effort to mitigate the risk of a banking system panic. The crisis is recognized by economists as highlighting the depth of financial integration in Europe, contrasted with the lack of fiscal integration and political unification necessary to prevent or decisively respond to crises. During the initial waves of the crisis, the public speculated that the turmoil could result in a disintegration of the eurozone and an abandonment of the euro. German Federal Minister of Finance Wolfgang Schäuble called for the expulsion of offending countries from the eurozone. Now commonly referred to as the Eurozone crisis, it has been ongoing since 2009 and most recently began encompassing the 2012–13 Cypriot financial crisis.[18]:12–14[47]:579–581
Implications of globalized capital
Balance of payments
Main article: Balance of payments
The top five annual current account deficits and surpluses in billions of U.S. dollars for the year 2012 based on data from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

The balance of payments accounts summarize payments made to or received from foreign countries. Receipts are considered credit transactions while payments are considered debit transactions. The balance of payments is a function of three components: transactions involving export or import of goods and services form the current account, transactions involving purchase or sale of financial assets form the financial account, and transactions involving unconventional transfers of wealth form the capital account.[47]:306–307 The current account summarizes three variables: the trade balance, net factor income from abroad, and net unilateral transfers. The financial account summarizes the value of exports versus imports of assets, and the capital account summarizes the value of asset transfers received net of transfers given. The capital account also includes the official reserve account, which summarizes central banks' purchases and sales of domestic currency, foreign exchange, gold, and SDRs for purposes of maintaining or utilizing bank reserves.[18]:66–71[48]:169–172[49]:32–35

Because the balance of payments sums to zero, a current account surplus indicates a deficit in the asset accounts and vice versa. A current account surplus or deficit indicates the extent to which a country is relying on foreign capital to finance its consumption and investments, and whether it is living beyond its means. For example, assuming a capital account balance of zero (thus no asset transfers available for financing), a current account deficit of £1 billion implies a financial account surplus (or net asset exports) of £1 billion. A net exporter of financial assets is known as a borrower, exchanging future payments for current consumption. Further, a net export of financial assets indicates growth in a country's debt. From this perspective, the balance of payments links a nation's income to its spending by indicating the degree to which current account imbalances are financed with domestic or foreign financial capital, which illuminates how a nation's wealth is shaped over time.[18]:73[47]:308–313[48]:203 A healthy balance of payments position is important for economic growth. If countries experiencing a growth in demand have trouble sustaining a healthy balance of payments, demand can slow, leading to: unused or excess supply, discouraged foreign investment, and less attractive exports which can further reinforce a negative cycle that intensifies payments imbalances.[50]:21–22

A country's external wealth is measured by the value of its foreign assets net of its foreign liabilities. A current account surplus (and corresponding financial account deficit) indicates an increase in external wealth while a deficit indicates a decrease. Aside from current account indications of whether a country is a net buyer or net seller of assets, shifts in a nation's external wealth are influenced by capital gains and capital losses on foreign investments. Having positive external wealth means a country is a net lender (or creditor) in the world economy, while negative external wealth indicates a net borrower (or debtor).[48]:13,210
Unique financial risks
Main article: Systemic risk

Nations and international businesses face an array of financial risks unique to foreign investment activity. Political risk is the potential for losses from a foreign country's political instability or otherwise unfavorable developments, which manifests in different forms. Transfer risk emphasizes uncertainties surrounding a country's capital controls and balance of payments. Operational risk characterizes concerns over a country's regulatory policies and their impact on normal business operations. Control risk is born from uncertainties surrounding property and decision rights in the local operation of foreign direct investments.[18]:422 Credit risk implies lenders may face an absent or unfavorable regulatory framework that affords little or no legal protection of foreign investments. For example, foreign governments may commit to a sovereign default or otherwise repudiate their debt obligations to international investors without any legal consequence or recourse. Governments may decide to expropriate or nationalize foreign-held assets or enact contrived policy changes following an investor's decision to acquire assets in the host country.[48]:14–17 Country risk encompasses both political risk and credit risk, and represents the potential for unanticipated developments in a host country to threaten its capacity for debt repayment and repatriation of gains from interest and dividends.[18]:425,526[51]:216
Participants
Economic actors
See also: List of multinational corporations and List of investment banks

Each of the core economic functions, consumption, production, and investment, have become highly globalized in recent decades. While consumers increasingly import foreign goods or purchase domestic goods produced with foreign inputs, businesses continue to expand production internationally to meet an increasingly globalized consumption in the world economy. International financial integration among nations has afforded investors the opportunity to diversify their asset portfolios by investing abroad.[18]:4–5 Consumers, multinational corporations, individual and institutional investors, and financial intermediaries (such as banks) are the key economic actors within the global financial system. Central banks (such as the European Central Bank or the U.S. Federal Reserve System) undertake open market operations in their efforts to realize monetary policy goals.[20]:13–15[22]:11–13,76 International financial institutions such as the Bretton Woods institutions, multilateral development banks and other development finance institutions provide emergency financing to countries in crisis, provide risk mitigation tools to prospective foreign investors, and assemble capital for development finance and poverty reduction initiatives.[24]:243 Trade organizations such as the World Trade Organization, Institute of International Finance, and the World Federation of Exchanges attempt to ease trade, facilitate trade disputes and address economic affairs, promote standards, and sponsor research and statistics publications.[52][53][54]
Regulatory bodies
See also: List of financial regulatory authorities by country

Explicit goals of financial regulation include countries' pursuits of financial stability and the safeguarding of unsophisticated market players from fraudulent activity, while implicit goals include offering viable and competitive financial environments to world investors.[34]:57 A single nation with functioning governance, financial regulations, deposit insurance, emergency financing through discount windows, standard accounting practices, and established legal and disclosure procedures, can itself develop and grow a healthy domestic financial system. In a global context however, no central political authority exists which can extend these arrangements globally. Rather, governments have cooperated to establish a host of institutions and practices that have evolved over time and are referred to collectively as the international financial architecture.[14]:xviii[24]:2 Within this architecture, regulatory authorities such as national governments and intergovernmental organizations have the capacity to influence international financial markets. National governments may employ their finance ministries, treasuries, and regulatory agencies to impose tariffs and foreign capital controls or may use their central banks to execute a desired intervention in the open markets.[48]:17–21

Some degree of self-regulation occurs whereby banks and other financial institutions attempt to operate within guidelines set and published by multilateral organizations such as the International Monetary Fund or the Bank for International Settlements (particularly the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision and the Committee on the Global Financial System[55]).[27]:33–34 Further examples of international regulatory bodies are: the Financial Stability Board (FSB) established to coordinate information and activities among developed countries; the International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) which coordinates the regulation of financial securities; the International Association of Insurance Supervisors (IAIS) which promotes consistent insurance industry supervision; the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering which facilitates collaboration in battling money laundering and terrorism financing; and the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB) which publishes accounting and auditing standards. Public and private arrangements exist to assist and guide countries struggling with sovereign debt payments, such as the Paris Club and London Club.[24]:22[30]:10–11 National securities commissions and independent financial regulators maintain oversight of their industries' foreign exchange market activities.[19]:61–64 Two examples of supranational financial regulators in Europe are the European Banking Authority (EBA) which identifies systemic risks and institutional weaknesses and may overrule national regulators, and the European Shadow Financial Regulatory Committee (ESFRC) which reviews financial regulatory issues and publishes policy recommendations.[56][57]
Research organizations and other fora

Research and academic institutions, professional associations, and think-tanks aim to observe, model, understand, and publish recommendations to improve the transparency and effectiveness of the global financial system. For example, the independent non-partisan World Economic Forum facilitates the Global Agenda Council on the Global Financial System and Global Agenda Council on the International Monetary System, which report on systemic risks and assemble policy recommendations.[58][59] The Global Financial Markets Association facilitates discussion of global financial issues among members of various professional associations around the world.[60] The Group of Thirty (G30) formed in 1978 as a private, international group of consultants, researchers, and representatives committed to advancing understanding of international economics and global finance.[61]
Future of the global financial system

The IMF has reported that the global financial system is on a path to improved financial stability, but faces a host of transitional challenges borne out by regional vulnerabilities and policy regimes. One challenge is managing the United States' disengagement from its accommodative monetary policy. Doing so in an elegant, orderly manner could be difficult as markets adjust to reflect investors' expectations of a new monetary regime with higher interest rates. Interest rates could rise too sharply if exacerbated by a structural decline in market liquidity from higher interest rates and greater volatility, or by structural deleveraging in short-term securities and in the shadow banking system (particularly the mortgage market and real estate investment trusts). Other central banks are contemplating ways to exit unconventional monetary policies employed in recent years. Some nations however, such as Japan, are attempting stimulus programs at larger scales to combat deflationary pressures. The Eurozone's nations implemented myriad national reforms aimed at strengthening the monetary union and alleviating stress on banks and governments. Yet some European nations such as Portugal, Italy, and Spain continue to struggle with heavily leveraged corporate sectors and fragmented financial markets in which investors face pricing inefficiency and difficulty identifying quality assets. Banks operating in such environments may need stronger provisions in place to withstand corresponding market adjustments and absorb potential losses. Emerging market economies face challenges to greater stability as bond markets indicate heightened sensitivity to monetary easing from external investors flooding into domestic markets, rendering exposure to potential capital flights brought on by heavy corporate leveraging in expansionary credit environments. Policymakers in these economies are tasked with transitioning to more sustainable and balanced financial sectors while still fostering market growth so as not to provoke investor withdrawal.[62]:xi-xiii

The global financial crisis and Great Recession prompted renewed discourse on the architecture of the global financial system. These events called to attention financial integration, inadequacies of global governance, and the emergent systemic risks of financial globalization.[63]:2–9 Since the establishment in 1945 of a formal international monetary system with the IMF empowered as its guardian, the world has undergone extensive changes politically and economically. This has fundamentally altered the paradigm in which international financial institutions operate, increasing the complexities of the IMF and World Bank's mandates.[30]:1–2 The lack of adherence to a formal monetary system has created a void of global constraints on national macroeconomic policies and a deficit of rule-based governance of financial activities.[64]:4 French economist and Executive Director of the World Economic Forum's Reinventing Bretton Woods Committee, Marc Uzan, has pointed out that some radical proposals such as a "global central bank or a world financial authority" have been deemed impractical, leading to further consideration of medium-term efforts to improve transparency and disclosure, strengthen emerging market financial climates, bolster prudential regulatory environments in advanced nations, and better moderate capital account liberalization and exchange rate regime selection in emerging markets. He has also drawn attention to calls for increased participation from the private sector in the management of financial crises and the augmenting of multilateral institutions' resources.[30]:1–2

The Council on Foreign Relations' assessment of global finance notes that excessive institutions with overlapping directives and limited scopes of authority, coupled with difficulty aligning national interests with international reforms, are the two key weaknesses inhibiting global financial reform. Nations do not presently enjoy a comprehensive structure for macroeconomic policy coordination, and global savings imbalances have abounded before and after the global financial crisis to the extent that the United States' status as the steward of the world's reserve currency was called into question. Post-crisis efforts to pursue macroeconomic policies aimed at stabilizing foreign exchange markets have yet to be institutionalized. The lack of international consensus on how best to monitor and govern banking and investment activity threatens the world's ability to prevent future global financial crises. The slow and often delayed implementation of banking regulations that meet Basel III criteria means most of the standards will not take effect until 2019, rendering continued exposure of global finance to unregulated systemic risks. Despite Basel III and other efforts by the G20 to bolster the Financial Stability Board's capacity to facilitate cooperation and stabilizing regulatory changes, regulation exists predominantly at the national and regional levels.[65]
Reform efforts

Former World Bank Chief Economist and former Chairman of the U.S. Council of Economic Advisers Joseph E. Stiglitz referred in the late 1990s to a growing consensus that something is wrong with a system having the capacity to impose high costs on a great number of people who are hardly even participants in international financial markets, neither speculating on international investments nor borrowing in foreign currencies. He argued that foreign crises have strong worldwide repercussions due in part to the phenomenon of moral hazard, particularly when many multinational firms deliberately invest in highly risky government bonds in anticipation of a national or international bailout. Although crises can be overcome by emergency financing, employing bailouts places a heavy burden on taxpayers living in the afflicted countries, and the high costs damage standards of living. Stiglitz has advocated finding means of stabilizing short-term international capital flows without adversely affecting long-term foreign direct investment which usually carries new knowledge spillover and technological advancements into economies.[66]

American economist and former Chairman of the Federal Reserve Paul Volcker has argued that the lack of global consensus on key issues threatens efforts to reform the global financial system. He has argued that quite possibly the most important issue is a unified approach to addressing failures of systemically important financial institutions, noting public taxpayers and government officials have grown disillusioned with deploying tax revenues to bail out creditors for the sake of stopping contagion and mitigating economic disaster. Volcker has expressed an array of potential coordinated measures: increased policy surveillance by the IMF and commitment from nations to adopt agreed-upon best practices, mandatory consultation from multilateral bodies leading to more direct policy recommendations, stricter controls on national qualification for emergency financing facilities (such as those offered by the IMF or by central banks), and improved incentive structures with financial penalties.[67]

Governor of the Bank of England and former Governor of the Bank of Canada Mark Carney has described two approaches to global financial reform: shielding financial institutions from cyclic economic effects by strengthening banks individually, and defending economic cycles from banks by improving systemic resiliency. Strengthening financial institutions necessitates stronger capital requirements and liquidity provisions, as well as better measurement and management of risks. The G-20 agreed to new standards presented by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision at its 2009 summit in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The standards included leverage ratio targets to supplement other capital adequacy requirements established by Basel II. Improving the resiliency of the global financial system requires protections that enable the system to withstand singular institutional and market failures. Carney has argued that policymakers have converged on the view that institutions must bear the burden of financial losses during future financial crises, and such occurrences should be well-defined and pre-planned. He suggested other national regulators follow Canada in establishing staged intervention procedures and require banks to commit to what he termed "living wills" which would detail plans for an orderly institutional failure.[68]
World leaders at the 2010 G-20 summit in Seoul, South Korea, endorsed the Basel III standards for banking regulation.

At its 2010 summit in Seoul, South Korea, the G-20 collectively endorsed a new collection of capital adequacy and liquidity standards for banks recommended by Basel III. Andreas Dombret of the Executive Board of Deutsche Bundesbank has noted a difficulty in identifying institutions that constitute systemic importance via their size, complexity, and degree of interconnectivity within the global financial system, and that efforts should be made to identify a group of 25 to 30 indisputable globally systemic institutions. He has suggested they be held to standards higher than those mandated by Basel III, and that despite the inevitability of institutional failures, such failures should not drag with them the financial systems in which they participate. Dombret has advocated for regulatory reform that extends beyond banking regulations and has argued in favor of greater transparency through increased public disclosure and increased regulation of the shadow banking system.[69]

President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and Vice Chairman of the Federal Open Market Committee William C. Dudley has argued that a global financial system regulated on a largely national basis is untenable for supporting a world economy with global financial firms. In 2011, he advocated five pathways to improving the safety and security of the global financial system: a special capital requirement for financial institutions deemed systemically important; a level playing field which discourages exploitation of disparate regulatory environments and beggar thy neighbour policies that serve "national constituencies at the expense of global financial stability"; superior cooperation among regional and national regulatory regimes with broader protocols for sharing information such as records for the trade of over-the-counter financial derivatives; improved delineation of "the responsibilities of the home versus the host country" when banks encounter trouble; and well-defined procedures for managing emergency liquidity solutions across borders including which parties are responsible for the risk, terms, and funding of such measures.[70]

Joseph Eugene Stiglitz (born February 9, 1943) is an American economist and a professor at Columbia University. He is a recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (2001) and the John Bates Clark Medal (1979). He is a former senior vice president and chief economist of the World Bank and is a former member and chairman of the (US president's) Council of Economic Advisers.[3][4] He is known for his support of Georgist public finance theory[5][6][7] and his critical view of the management of globalization, laissez-faire economists (whom he calls "free market fundamentalists"), and some international institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

In 2000, Stiglitz founded the Initiative for Policy Dialogue (IPD), a think tank on international development based at Columbia University. He has been a member of the Columbia faculty since 2001, and received that university's highest academic rank (university professor) in 2003. He was the founding chair of the university's Committee on Global Thought. He also chairs the University of Manchester's Brooks World Poverty Institute. He is a member of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. In 2009, the President of the United Nations General Assembly Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann, appointed Stiglitz as the chairman of the U.N. Commission on Reforms of the International Monetary and Financial System, where he oversaw suggested proposals and commissioned a report on reforming the international monetary and financial system.[8] He served as chair of the international Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress, appointed by President Sarkozy of France, which issued its report in 2010, Mismeasuring our Lives: Why GDP doesn't add up,[9] and currently serves as co-chair of its successor, the High Level Expert Group on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress. From 2011 to 2014, Stiglitz was president of the International Economic Association (IEA).[10] He presided over the organization of the IEA triennial world congress held near the Dead Sea in Jordan in June 2014.[11]

Stiglitz has received more than 40 honorary degrees, including from Harvard, Oxford, and Cambridge Universities and been decorated by several governments including Korea, Colombia, Ecuador, and most recently France, where he was appointed a member of the Legion of Honor, order Officer.

Based on academic citations, Stiglitz is the 4th most influential economist in the world today,[12] and in 2011 he was named by Time magazine as one of the 100 most influential people in the world.[13] Stiglitz's work focuses on income distribution from a Georgist perspective, asset risk management, corporate governance, and international trade. He is the author of several books, the latest being The Great Divide: Unequal Societies and What We Can Do About Them (2015), Rewriting the Rules of the American Economy: An Agenda for Growth and Shared Prosperity (2015), and Creating a Learning Society: A New Approach to Growth Development and Social Progress (2014).[14]

Contents

1 Life and career
2 Contributions to economics
2.1 Henry George theorem
2.2 Information asymmetry
2.3 Shapiro-Stiglitz efficiency wage model
2.4 Practical implications of Stiglitz theorems
3 Government
3.1 Clinton administration
3.2 Initiative for Policy Dialogue
3.3 Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress
3.4 Commission of Experts on Reforms of the International Monetary and Financial System
3.5 Greek debt crisis
3.6 Scotland
3.7 The Labour Party
4 Economic views
4.1 Support for anti-austerity movement in Spain
4.2 Criticism of rating agencies
4.3 Criticism of Trans-Pacific Partnership and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership
4.4 Regulation
4.5 Land value tax (Georgism)
5 Books
5.1 The Euro: How a Common Currency Threatens the Future of Europe (2016)
5.2 The Great Divide: Unequal Societies and What We Can Do About Them (2015)
5.3 Creating a Learning Society: A New Approach to Growth, Development, and Social Progress
5.4 The Price of Inequality (2012)
5.5 Freefall (2010)
5.6 The Three Trillion Dollar War (2008)
5.7 Stability with Growth
5.8 Making Globalization Work (2006)
5.9 Fair Trade for All
5.10 New Paradigm for Monetary Economics
5.11 The Roaring Nineties (2003)
5.12 Globalization and Its Discontents (2002)
5.13 Whither Socialism? (1994)
5.14 Papers and conferences
6 Awards and honors
7 Personal life
8 Selected bibliography
8.1 Books
8.2 Book chapters
8.3 Selected scholarly articles
8.4 Articles in popular press
8.5 Video and online sources
8.6 Papers
9 See also
10 References
11 External links

Life and career

Stiglitz was born to a Jewish family[15] in Gary, Indiana, to Charlotte (née Fishman), a schoolteacher, and Nathaniel David Stiglitz, an insurance salesman.[16][17] Stiglitz graduated from Amherst College in 1964, where he was a highly active member of the debate team and president of the student government. During his senior year at Amherst College, he studied at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), where he later pursued graduate work. From 1965 to 1966, he moved to the University of Chicago to do research under Hirofumi Uzawa who had received an NSF grant. He studied for his PhD from MIT from 1966 to 1967, during which time he also held an MIT assistant professorship. Stiglitz stated that the particular style of MIT economics suited him well – simple and concrete models, directed at answering important and relevant questions.[18] From 1966 to 1970 he was a research fellow at the University of Cambridge: he arrived at Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge as a Fulbright Scholar in 1965 and then won a Tapp Junior Research Fellowship at Gonville and Caius College.[19] In subsequent years, he held academic positions at Yale, Stanford, Oxford, and Princeton.[20] Stiglitz is now a professor at Columbia University, with appointments at the Business School, the Department of Economics and the School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), and is editor of The Economists' Voice journal with J. Bradford DeLong and Aaron Edlin. He also gives classes for a double-degree program between Sciences Po Paris and École Polytechnique in 'Economics and Public Policy'. He has chaired The Brooks World Poverty Institute at the University of Manchester since 2005.[21][22] Stiglitz is a New-Keynesian economist.[23][24]

In addition to making numerous influential contributions to microeconomics, Stiglitz has played a number of policy roles. He served in the Clinton administration as the chair of the President's Council of Economic Advisors (1995–1997). At the World Bank, he served as senior vice-president and chief economist (1997–2000), in the time when unprecedented protest against international economic organizations started, most prominently with the Seattle WTO meeting of 1999. He was fired by the World Bank for expressing dissent with its policies.[25] He was a lead author for the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007.[citation needed]

He is a member of Collegium International, an organization of leaders with political, scientific, and ethical expertise whose goal is to provide new approaches in overcoming the obstacles in the way of a peaceful, socially just and an economically sustainable world. He is also a member of the scientific committee of the Fundacion IDEAS, a Spanish think tank.[26]

Stiglitz has advised American president Barack Obama, but has also been sharply critical of the Obama Administration's financial-industry rescue plan.[27] Stiglitz said that whoever designed the Obama administration's bank rescue plan is "either in the pocket of the banks or they’re incompetent."[28]

In October 2008, he was asked by the President of the United Nations General Assembly to chair a commission drafting a report on the reasons for and solutions to the financial crisis.[29] In response, the commission produced the Stiglitz Report.

On July 25, 2011, Stiglitz participated in the "I Foro Social del 15M" organized in Madrid (Spain) expressing his support to the 2011 Spanish protests.[30]

Stiglitz was the president of the International Economic Association from 2011 to 2014.[31]

On September 27, 2015, the United Kingdom Labour Party announced that Stiglitz was to sit on its Economic Advisory Committee along with five other world leading economists.
Contributions to economics
Stiglitz at a conference in Mexico in 2009
Henry George theorem

Stiglitz made early contributions to a theory of public finance stating that an optimal supply of local public goods can be funded entirely through capture of the land rents generated by those goods (when population distributions are optimal). Stiglitz dubbed this the 'Henry George theorem' in reference to the radical classical economist Henry George who famously advocated for land value tax. The explanation behind Stiglitz's finding is that rivalry for public goods takes place geographically, so competition for access to any beneficial public good will increase land values by at least as much as its outlay cost. Furthermore, Stiglitz shows that a single tax on rents is necessary to provide the optimal supply of local public investment. Stiglitz also shows how the theorem could be used to find the optimal size of a city or firm.[32][33]
Information asymmetry

Stiglitz's most famous research was on screening, a technique used by one economic agent to extract otherwise private information from another. It was for this contribution to the theory of information asymmetry that he shared the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics[18] in 2001 "for laying the foundations for the theory of markets with asymmetric information" with George A. Akerlof and A. Michael Spence.

Before the advent of models of imperfect and asymmetric information, the traditional neoclassical economics literature had assumed that markets are efficient except for some limited and well defined market failures. More recent work by Stiglitz and others reversed that presumption, to assert that it is only under exceptional circumstances that markets are efficient. Stiglitz has shown (together with Bruce Greenwald) that "whenever markets are incomplete and/or information is imperfect (which are true in virtually all economies), even competitive market allocation is not constrained Pareto efficient". In other words, they addressed "the problem of determining when tax interventions are Pareto-improving. The approach indicates that such tax interventions almost always exist and that equilibria in situations of imperfect information are rarely constrained Pareto optima."[34]:229, abstract Although these conclusions and the pervasiveness of market failures do not necessarily warrant the state intervening broadly in the economy, it makes clear that the "optimal" range of government recommendable interventions is definitely much larger than the traditional "market failure" school recognizes.[35] For Stiglitz, there is no such thing as an invisible hand, in the sense that free markets lead to efficiency as if guided by unseen forces.[36] According to Stiglitz:[37]

Whenever there are "externalities" – where the actions of an individual have impacts on others for which they do not pay or for which they are not compensated – markets will not work well. But recent research has shown that these externalities are pervasive, whenever there is imperfect information or imperfect risk markets – that is always.

The real debate today is about finding the right balance between the market and government. Both are needed. They can each complement each other. This balance will differ from time to time and place to place.

In an interview in 2007, Stiglitz explained further:[38]

The theories that I (and others) helped develop explained why unfettered markets often not only do not lead to social justice, but do not even produce efficient outcomes. Interestingly, there has been no intellectual challenge to the refutation of Adam Smith's invisible hand: individuals and firms, in the pursuit of their self-interest, are not necessarily, or in general, led as if by an invisible hand, to economic efficiency.

The preceding claim is based on Stiglitz 1986 paper, "Externalities in Economies with Imperfect Information and Incomplete Markets",[34] which describes a general methodology to deal with externalities and for calculating optimal corrective taxes in a general equilibrium context. In the opening remarks for his prize acceptance "Aula Magna",[39] Stiglitz said:[40]

I hope to show that Information Economics represents a fundamental change in the prevailing paradigm within economics. Problems of information are central to understanding not only market economics but also political economy, and in the last section of this lecture, I explore some of the implications of information imperfections for political processes.

Shapiro-Stiglitz efficiency wage model
Main article: Shapiro–Stiglitz theory
See also: Efficiency wages
In the Shapiro-Stiglitz model of efficiency wages, workers are paid at a level that dissuades shirking. This prevents wages from dropping to market clearing levels. Full employment cannot be achieved because workers would shirk if they were not threatened with the possibility of unemployment. Because of this, the curve for the no-shirking condition (labeled NSC) goes to infinity at full employment.

Stiglitz also did research on efficiency wages, and helped create what became known as the "Shapiro-Stiglitz model" to explain why there is unemployment even in equilibrium, why wages are not bid down sufficiently by job seekers (in the absence of minimum wages) so that everyone who wants a job finds one, and to question whether the neoclassical paradigm could explain involuntary unemployment.[41] The answer to these puzzles was proposed by Shapiro and Stiglitz in 1984: "Unemployment is driven by the information structure of employment".[41] Two basic observations undergird their analysis:

Unlike other forms of capital, humans can choose their level of effort.
It is costly for firms to determine how much effort workers are exerting.

A full description of this model can be found at the links provided.[42][43] Some key implications of this model are:

Wages do not fall enough during recessions to prevent unemployment from rising. If the demand for labour falls, this lowers wages. But because wages have fallen, the probability of 'shirking' (workers not exerting effort) has risen. If employment levels are to be maintained, through a sufficient lowering of wages, workers will be less productive than before through the shirking effect. As a consequence, in the model, wages do not fall enough to maintain employment levels at the previous state, because firms want to avoid excessive shirking by their workers. So, unemployment must rise during recessions, because wages are kept 'too high'.
Possible corollary: Wage sluggishness. Moving from one private cost of hiring <w∗> to another private cost of hiring <w∗∗> will require each firm to repeatedly re-optimize wages in response to shifting unemployment rate. Firms cannot cut wages until unemployment rises sufficiently (a coordination problem).

The outcome is never Pareto efficient.

Each firm employs too few workers because it faces private cost of hiring rather than the social cost – which is equal to and in all cases.[clarification needed] This means that firms do not "internalize" the "external" cost of unemployment – they do not factor how large-scale unemployment harms society when assessing their own costs. This leads to a negative externality as marginal social cost exceeds the firm's marginal cost (MSC = Firm's Private Marginal Cost + Marginal External Cost of increased social unemployment)[clarification needed]
There are also positive externalities: each firm increases the asset value of unemployment for all other firms when they hire during recessions. By creating hypercompetitive labor markets, all firms (the winners when laborers compete) experience an increase in value. However, this effect of increased valuation is very unapparent, because the first problem (the negative externality of sub-optimal hiring) clearly dominates since the 'natural rate of unemployment' is always too high.

Practical implications of Stiglitz theorems

While the mathematical validity of Stiglitz et al. theorems are not in question, their practical implications in political economy and their application in real life economic policies have been subject to disagreement and debate.[44] Stiglitz himself has evolved his political-economic discourse over time.[45]

Once incomplete and imperfect information are introduced, Chicago-school defenders of the market system cannot sustain descriptive claims of the Pareto efficiency of the real world. Thus, Stiglitz's use of rational-expectations equilibrium assumptions to achieve a more realistic understanding of capitalism than is usual among rational-expectations theorists leads, paradoxically, to the conclusion that capitalism deviates from the model in a way that justifies state action – socialism – as a remedy.[46]

The effect of Stiglitz's influence is to make economics even more presumptively interventionist than Samuelson preferred. Samuelson treated market failure as the exception to the general rule of efficient markets. But the Greenwald-Stiglitz theorem posits market failure as the norm, establishing "that government could potentially almost always improve upon the market's resource allocation." And the Sappington-Stiglitz theorem "establishes that an ideal government could do better running an enterprise itself than it could through privatization"[47] (Stiglitz 1994, p. 179).[46]

Objections to the wide adoption of positions suggested by Stiglitz's discoveries do not come from economics itself, but mostly from political scientists, especially in the field of sociology. As David L. Prychitko discusses in his "critique" to Whither Socialism? (see below), although Stiglitz's main economic insight seems generally correct, it still leaves open great constitutional questions such as how the coercive institutions of the government should be constrained and what the relation is between the government and civil society.[48]
Government
Clinton administration

Stiglitz joined the Clinton Administration in 1993,[49] serving first as a member during 1993–1995, and was then appointed Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers on June 28, 1995, in which capacity he also served as a member of the cabinet. He became deeply involved in environmental issues, which included serving on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, and helping draft a new law for toxic wastes (which was never passed).

Stiglitz's most important contribution in this period was helping define a new economic philosophy, a "third way", which postulated the important, but limited, role of government, that unfettered markets often did not work well, but that government was not always able to correct the limitations of markets. The academic research that he had been conducting over the preceding 25 years provided the intellectual foundations for this "third way".

When President Bill Clinton was re-elected, he asked Stiglitz to continue to serve as Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers for another term. But he had already been approached by the World Bank to be its senior vice president for development policy and its chief economist, and he assumed that position after his CEA successor was confirmed on February 13, 1997.

As the World Bank began its ten-year review of the transition of the former Communist countries to the market economy it unveiled failures of the countries that had followed the International Monetary Fund (IMF) shock therapy policies – both in terms of the declines in GDP and increases in poverty – that were even worse than the worst that most of its critics had envisioned at the onset of the transition. Clear links existed between the dismal performances and the policies that the IMF had advocated, such as the voucher privatization schemes and excessive monetary stringency. Meanwhile, the success of a few countries that had followed quite different strategies suggested that there were alternatives that could have been followed. The US Treasury had put enormous pressure on the World Bank to silence his criticisms of the policies which they and the IMF had pursued.[50][51]

Stiglitz always had a poor relationship with Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers.[52] In 2000, Summers successfully petitioned for Stiglitz's removal, supposedly in exchange for World Bank President James Wolfensohn's re-appointment – an exchange that Wolfensohn denies took place. Whether Summers ever made such a blunt demand is questionable – Wolfensohn claims he would "have told him to fuck himself".[53]

Stiglitz resigned from the World Bank in January 2000, a month before his term expired.[51] The Bank's president, James Wolfensohn, announced Stiglitz's resignation in November 1999 and also announced that Stiglitz would stay on as Special Advisor to the President, and would chair the search committee for a successor.

Joseph E. Stiglitz said today [Nov. 24, 1999] that he would resign as the World Bank's chief economist after using the position for nearly three years to raise pointed questions about the effectiveness of conventional approaches to helping poor countries.[54]

In this role, he continued criticism of the IMF, and, by implication, the US Treasury Department. In April 2000, in an article for The New Republic, he wrote:

They’ll say the IMF is arrogant. They’ll say the IMF doesn’t really listen to the developing countries it is supposed to help. They’ll say the IMF is secretive and insulated from democratic accountability. They’ll say the IMF's economic ‘remedies’ often make things worse – turning slowdowns into recessions and recessions into depressions. And they’ll have a point. I was chief economist at the World Bank from 1996 until last November, during the gravest global economic crisis in a half-century. I saw how the IMF, in tandem with the U.S. Treasury Department, responded. And I was appalled.

The article was published a week before the annual meetings of the World Bank and IMF and provoked a strong response. It proved too strong for Summers and, yet more lethally, Stiglitz's protector-of-sorts at the World Bank, Wolfensohn. Wolfensohn had privately empathised with Stiglitz's views, but this time was worried for his second term, which Summers had threatened to veto.[citation needed] Stanley Fischer, deputy managing director of the IMF, called a special staff meeting and informed at that gathering that Wolfensohn had agreed to fire Stiglitz. Meanwhile, the Bank's External Affairs department told the press that Stiglitz had not been fired, his post had merely been abolished.[55]

In a September 19, 2008 radio interview, with Aimee Allison and Philip Maldari on Pacifica Radio's KPFA 94.1 FM in Berkeley, California, US, Stiglitz implied that President Clinton and his economic advisors would not have backed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) had they been aware of stealth provisions, inserted by lobbyists, that they overlooked.
Initiative for Policy Dialogue

In July 2000, Stiglitz founded the Initiative for Policy Dialogue (IPD), with support of the Ford, Rockefeller, McArthur, and Mott Foundations and the Canadian and Swedish governments, to enhance democratic processes for decision-making in developing countries and to ensure that a broader range of alternatives are on the table and more stakeholders are at the table.
Main article: Initiative for Policy Dialogue
Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress

At the beginning of 2008, Stiglitz chaired the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress, also known as the Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi Commission, initiated by President Sarkozy of France. The Commission held its first plenary meeting on April 22–23, 2008, in Paris. Its final report was made public on September 14, 2009.[56]
Commission of Experts on Reforms of the International Monetary and Financial System
Stiglitz at the World Economic Forum annual meeting in Davos, 2009

In 2009, Stiglitz chaired the Commission of Experts on Reforms of the International Monetary and Financial System which was convened by the President of the United Nations General Assembly "to review the workings of the global financial system, including major bodies such as the World Bank and the IMF, and to suggest steps to be taken by Member States to secure a more sustainable and just global economic order".[57] Its final report was released on September 21, 2009.[58][59]
Greek debt crisis

In 2010, Professor Stiglitz acted as an advisor to the Greek government. He appeared on Bloomberg TV for an interview on the risks of Greece defaulting, in which he stated that he was very confident that Greece would not default. He went on to say that Greece was under "speculative attack" and though it had "short-term liquidity problems... and would benefit from Solidarity Bonds", the country was "on track to meet its obligations".[citation needed]

The next day, during a BBC interview, Stiglitz stated that "there's no problem of Greece or Spain meeting their interest payments". He argued nonetheless, that it would be desirable and needed for all of Europe to make a clear statement of belief in social solidarity and that they "stand behind Greece". Confronted with the statement: "Greece's difficulty is that the magnitude of debt is far greater than the capacity of the economy to service", Stiglitz replied, "That's rather absurd".[citation needed]

In 2012, Stiglitz described the European austerity plans as a "suicide-pact".[60]
Scotland

Since March 2012, Stiglitz is a member of the Scottish Government’s Fiscal Commission Working Group, which oversees the work to establish a fiscal and macro economic framework for an independent Scotland on behalf of the Scottish Council of Economic Advisers.

Together with Professors Andrew Hughes Hallett, Sir James Mirrlees and Frances Ruane Stiglitz will "advise on the establishment of a credible Fiscal Commission which entrenches financial responsibility and ensures market confidence".[61]
The Labour Party

On September 27, 2015, it was announced that he had been appointed to the British Labour Party's Economic Advisory Committee, convened by Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell and reporting to Labour Party Leader Jeremy Corbyn,[62] although he reportedly failed to attend the first meeting.[63]
Economic views
Support for anti-austerity movement in Spain

On July 25, 2011, Stiglitz participated in the "I Foro Social del 15M" organized in Madrid (Spain) expressing his support for the anti-austerity movement in Spain.[30] During an informal speech, he made a brief review of some of the problems in Europe and in the United States, the serious unemployment rate and the situation in Greece. "This is an opportunity for economic contribution social measures", argued Stiglitz, who made a critical speech about the way authorities are handling the political exit to the crisis. He encouraged those present to respond to the bad ideas, not with indifference, but with good ideas. "This does not work, you have to change it", he said.
Criticism of rating agencies

Stiglitz has been critical of rating agencies, describing them as the "key culprit" in the financial crisis, noting "they were the party that performed the alchemy that converted the securities from F-rated to A-rated. The banks could not have done what they did without the complicity of the rating agencies."[64]

Stiglitz co-authored a paper with Peter Orszag in 2002 titled "Implications of the New Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac Risk-Based Capital Standard" where they stated "on the basis of historical experience, the risk to the government from a potential default on GSE debt is effectively zero." However, "the risk-based capital standard ... may fail to reflect the probability of another Great Depression-like scenario."[65]
Criticism of Trans-Pacific Partnership and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership
See also: Trans-Pacific Partnership § Response, and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership § activism against TTIP

Stiglitz warned that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) presented "grave risks" and it "serves the interests of the wealthiest."[66][67]

Stiglitz also opposed the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) trade deal between the European Union (EU) and the United States, and has argued that the United Kingdom should consider its withdrawal from the EU in the 2016 referendum on the matter if TTIP passes, saying that "the strictures imposed by TTIP would be sufficiently averse to the functioning of government that it would make me think over again about whether membership of the EU was a good idea".[68][69][70]
Regulation

Stiglitz argues that relying solely on business self-interest as the means of achieving the well-being of society and economic efficiency is misleading, and that instead "What is needed is stronger norms, clearer understandings of what is acceptable – and what is not – and stronger laws and regulations to ensure that those that do not behave in ways that are consistent with these norms are held accountable".[71]
Land value tax (Georgism)

Stiglitz argues that land value tax would improve the efficiency and equity of agricultural economies. Stiglitz believes that societies should rely on a generalized Henry George principle to finance public goods, protect natural resources, improve land use, and reduce the burden of rents and taxes on the poor while increasing productive capital formation. Stiglitz advocates taxing "natural resource rents at as close to 100 percent as possible” and that a corollary of this principle is that polluters should be taxed for “activities that generate negative externalities.”[72] Stiglitz therefore asserts that land value taxation is even better than its famous advocate Henry George thought.[73]

François Fillon adhère à un réformisme libéral[Quoi ?]. Pour plusieurs observateurs[Qui ?], l'homme est d'ailleurs plus libéral que son mentor Philippe Séguin139,140 (et que son « rival » de 2012, Jean-François Copé)141. Déclarant, quelques mois après son entrée en fonction comme Premier ministre, être « à la tête d'un État qui est en situation de faillite sur le plan financier, […] qui est depuis 15 ans en déficit chronique, […] qui n'a jamais voté un budget en équilibre depuis 25 ans », François Fillon est un partisan d'une maîtrise stricte des dépenses. Il s'engage alors publiquement à « amener le budget de l’État à l'équilibre avant la fin du quinquennat »142, puis réitère cette même promesse en 2012 (en projetant cet équilibre à 2016143) et propose un référendum sur l'inscription de la règle d'or budgétaire dans la Constitution144. Durant son quinquennat, la perception de François Fillon se heurte à celle de Nicolas Sarkozy : « [Le président Sarkozy] pense en 2007 que la situation est très maîtrisable et qu'au fond, après les difficultés il y aura de nouveau de la croissance. Moi je pense qu'on est au contraire dans une crise structurelle très grave, qu'on a un problème de déficit qu'il faut résoudre. Et jusqu'à la crise de 2008, cette perception restera la mienne et ne sera pas celle du président de la République », déclarera-t-il en 2013145. En 2013, l'endettement de la France, aggravé par un « choc fiscal sans précédent », demeure l'une de ses préoccupations principales, puisqu'il diagnostique « une dette qui atteindra 95 % du PIB en 2014 et une sortie de la France du classement des dix premières puissances à l'horizon 2020 si nous continuons sur le même rythme146. »

En défendant une politique de rigueur et une maîtrise de la dette, François Fillon est favorable à la suppression de l'impôt sur la fortune, qu'il considère comme une des causes de l’appauvrissement de la France. Selon lui, cet impôt décourage les entrepreneurs étrangers147. Cet impôt serait compensé par la création d’une tranche supérieure de l’impôt sur le revenu à 50 %, dans laquelle serait incluse la CSG. Il est favorable à la sortie définitive des 35 heures, pour « relancer la production », et souhaiterait le retour aux 48 heures (limite de temps de travail instaurée par la législation européenne)148, en « décentralisant le dialogue sur l'organisation du travail au niveau des entreprises146 ».

En 2013, il suggère de remplacer l'indemnisation du chômage par une indemnisation de formation avec « une dégressivité des allocations chômage pour inciter à la reprise de l'activité et l'obligation, pour le chômeur, d'accepter un emploi correspondant à la formation suivie »149. Il esquisse l'idée d'une TVA sociale en 2006 et souhaite, en 2012, l'instauration d'une « TVA compétitivité »148.

Along with his technical economic publications (he has published over 300 technical articles), Stiglitz is the author of books on issues from patent law to abuses in international trade.
The Euro: How a Common Currency Threatens the Future of Europe (2016)
The Great Divide: Unequal Societies and What We Can Do About Them (2015)

From the jacket: In The Great Divide, Joseph E. Stiglitz expands on the diagnosis he offered in his best-selling book The Price of Inequality and suggests ways to counter America’s growing problem. Stiglitz argues that inequality is a choice – the cumulative result of unjust policies and misguided priorities.
Creating a Learning Society: A New Approach to Growth, Development, and Social Progress

Creating a Learning Society, (co authored with Bruce C. Greenwald), cast light on the significance of this insight for economic theory and policy. Taking as a starting point Kenneth J. Arrow’s 1962 paper “Learning by Doing,” they explain why the production of knowledge differs from that of other goods and why market economies alone typically do not produce and transmit knowledge efficiently. Closing knowledge gaps and helping laggards learn are central to growth and development. But creating a learning society is equally crucial if we are to sustain improved living standards in advanced countries.
The Price of Inequality (2012)

From the jacket: As those at the top continue to enjoy the best health care, education, and benefits of wealth, they often fail to realize that, as Joseph E. Stiglitz highlights, "their fate is bound up with how the other 99 percent live ... It does not have to be this way. In The Price of Inequality Stiglitz lays out a comprehensive agenda to create a more dynamic economy and fairer and more equal society"

The book received the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights 2013 Book Award, given annually to the book that "most faithfully and forcefully reflects Robert Kennedy's purposes – his concern for the poor and the powerless, his struggle for honest and even-handed justice, his conviction that a decent society must assure all young people a fair chance, and his faith that a free democracy can act to remedy disparities of power and opportunity."[74]
Freefall (2010)
Main article: Freefall: America, Free Markets, and the Sinking of the World Economy

In Freefall: America, Free Markets, and the Sinking of the World Economy, Stiglitz discusses the causes of the 2008 recession/depression and goes on to propose reforms needed to avoid a repetition of a similar crisis, advocating government intervention and regulation in a number of areas. Among the policy-makers he criticises are George W. Bush, Larry Summers, and Barack Obama.[75]
The Three Trillion Dollar War (2008)

The Three Trillion Dollar War (co-authored with Linda Bilmes) examines the full cost of the Iraq War, including many hidden costs. The book also discusses the extent to which these costs will be imposed for many years to come, paying special attention to the enormous expenditures that will be required to care for very large numbers of wounded veterans. Stiglitz was openly critical of George W. Bush at the time the book was released.[76]
Stability with Growth

In Stability with Growth: Macroeconomics, Liberalization and Development, Stiglitz, José Antonio Ocampo (United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Economic and Social Affairs, until 2007), Shari Spiegel (Managing Director, Initiative for Policy Dialogue – IPD), Ricardo Ffrench-Davis (Main Adviser, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean – ECLAC) and Deepak Nayyar (Vice Chancellor, University of Delhi) discuss the current debates on macroeconomics, capital market liberalization and development, and develop a new framework within which one can assess alternative policies. They explain their belief that the Washington Consensus has advocated narrow goals for development (with a focus on price stability) and prescribed too few policy instruments (emphasizing monetary and fiscal policies), and places unwarranted faith in the role of markets. The new framework focuses on real stability and long-term sustainable and equitable growth, offers a variety of non-standard ways to stabilize the economy and promote growth, and accepts that market imperfections necessitate government interventions. Policy-makers have pursued stabilization goals with little concern for growth consequences, while trying to increase growth through structural reforms focused on improving economic efficiency. Moreover, structural policies, such as capital market liberalization, have had major consequences for economic stability. This book challenges these policies by arguing that stabilization policy has important consequences for long-term growth and has often been implemented with adverse consequences. The first part of the book introduces the key questions and looks at the objectives of economic policy from different perspectives. The third part presents a similar analysis for capital market liberalization.
Making Globalization Work (2006)

Making Globalization Work surveys the inequities of the global economy, and the mechanisms by which developed countries exert an excessive influence over developing nations. Dr. Stiglitz argues that through tariffs, subsidies, an over-complex patent system and pollution, the world is being both economically and politically destabilised. Stiglitz argues that strong, transparent institutions are needed to address these problems. He shows how an examination of incomplete markets can make corrective government policies desirable.

Stiglitz is an exception to the general pro-globalisation view of professional economists, according to economist Martin Wolf.[77] Stiglitz argues that economic opportunities are not widely enough available, that financial crises are too costly and too frequent, and that the rich countries have done too little to address these problems. Making Globalization Work[78] has sold more than two million copies.
Fair Trade for All

In Fair Trade for All, authors Stiglitz and Andrew Charlton argue that it is important to make the trading world more development friendly.[79] The idea is put forth that the present regime of tariffs and agricultural subsidies is dominated by the interests of former colonial powers and needs to change. The removal of the bias toward the developed world will be beneficial to both developing and developed nations. The developing world is in needs of assistance, and this can only be achieved when developed nations abandon mercantilist based priorities and work towards a more liberal world trade regime.[80]
New Paradigm for Monetary Economics
The Roaring Nineties (2003)

The Roaring Nineties is Stiglitz' analysis of the boom and bust of the 1990s. Presented from an insider's point of view, firstly as chair of President Clinton's Council of Economic Advisors, and later as chief economist of the World Bank, it continues his argument on how misplaced faith in free-market ideology led to the global economic issues of today, with a perceptive focus on US policies.
Globalization and Its Discontents (2002)

In Globalization and Its Discontents, Stiglitz argues that what are often called "developing economies" are, in fact, not developing at all, and puts much of the blame on the IMF.

Stiglitz bases his argument on the themes that his decades of theoretical work have emphasized: namely, what happens when people lack the key information that bears on the decisions they have to make, or when markets for important kinds of transactions are inadequate or don't exist, or when other institutions that standard economic thinking takes for granted are absent or flawed. Stiglitz stresses the point: "Recent advances in economic theory" (in part referring to his own work) "have shown that whenever information is imperfect and markets incomplete, which is to say always, and especially in developing countries, then the invisible hand works most imperfectly." As a result, Stiglitz continues, governments can improve the outcome by well-chosen interventions. Stiglitz argues that when families and firms seek to buy too little compared to what the economy can produce, governments can fight recessions and depressions by using expansionary monetary and fiscal policies to spur the demand for goods and services. At the microeconomic level, governments can regulate banks and other financial institutions to keep them sound. They can also use tax policy to steer investment into more productive industries and trade policies to allow new industries to mature to the point at which they can survive foreign competition. And governments can use a variety of devices, ranging from job creation to manpower training to welfare assistance, to put unemployed labor back to work and cushion human hardship.

Stiglitz complains bitterly that the IMF has done great damage through the economic policies it has prescribed that countries must follow in order to qualify for IMF loans, or for loans from banks and other private-sector lenders that look to the IMF to indicate whether a borrower is creditworthy. The organization and its officials, he argues, have ignored the implications of incomplete information, inadequate markets, and unworkable institutions – all of which are especially characteristic of newly developing countries. As a result, Stiglitz argues, the IMF has often called for policies that conform to textbook economics but do not make sense for the countries to which the IMF is recommending them. Stiglitz seeks to show that these policies have been disastrous for the countries that have followed them.
Whither Socialism? (1994)

Whither Socialism? is based on Stiglitz's Wicksell Lectures, presented at the Stockholm School of Economics in 1990 and presents a summary of information economics and the theory of markets with imperfect information and imperfect competition, as well as being a critique of both free market and market socialist approaches (see Roemer critique, op. cit.). Stiglitz explains how the neoclassical, or Walrasian model ("Walrasian economics" refers to the result of the process which has given birth to a formal representation of Adam Smith's notion of the "invisible hand", along the lines put forward by Léon Walras and encapsulated in the general equilibrium model of Arrow–Debreu), may have wrongly encouraged the belief that market socialism could work. Stiglitz proposes an alternative model, based on the information economics established by the Greenwald–Stiglitz theorems.

One of the reasons Stiglitz sees for the critical failing in the standard neoclassical model, on which market socialism was built, is its failure to consider the problems that arise from lack of perfect information and from the costs of acquiring information. He also identifies problems arising from its assumptions concerning completeness.[81]
Papers and conferences

Stiglitz wrote a series of papers and held a series of conferences explaining how such information uncertainties may have influence on everything from unemployment to lending shortages. As the chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers during the first term of the Clinton Administration and former chief economist at the World Bank, Stiglitz was able to put some of his views into action. For example, he was an outspoken critic of quickly opening up financial markets in developing countries. These markets rely on access to good financial data and sound bankruptcy laws, but he argued that many of these countries didn't have the regulatory institutions needed to ensure that the markets would operate soundly.
Awards and honors

In addition to being awarded the Nobel Memorial prize, Stiglitz has over 40 honorary doctorates and at least eight honorary professorships, as well as an honorary deanship.[82][83][84]

In 2011, he was named by Foreign Policy magazine on its list of top global thinkers.[85] In February 2012, he was awarded the Legion of Honor, in the rank of Officer, by the French ambassador in the United States François Delattre.[86] Stiglitz was elected a Foreign Member of the Royal Society (ForMemRS) in 2009.[87]
Personal life

Stiglitz married Jane Hannaway in 1978; the couple later divorced.[88][89] He got married, for the third time, on October 28, 2004 to Anya Schiffrin, who works at the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia University.[90] He has four children, Siobhan, Michael, Edward (Jed), and Julia, and three grandchildren.
Selected bibliography
Books

Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Uzawa, Hirofumi (1969). Readings in the modern theory of economic growth. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The M.I.T. Press. ISBN 9780262190558.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Atkinson, Anthony B. (1980). Lectures on public economics. London New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co. ISBN 9780070841055.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Newbery, David M.G. (1981). The theory of commodity price stabilization: a study in the economics of risk. Oxford Oxford New York: Clarendon Press Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780198284178.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (1989). The economic role of the state. Oxford, UK Cambridge, Massachusetts, US: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN 9780631171355.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Boadway, Robin (1994). Economics and the Canadian economy. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393965117.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (1994). Whither socialism?. Cambridge, Massachusetts, US: MIT Press. ISBN 9780262691826.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2000). Economics of the public sector (3rd ed.). New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393966510.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Meier, Gerald M. (2001). Frontiers of development economics: the future in perspective. Washington, D.C. Oxford New York: World Bank Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195215922.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Holzmann, Robert (2001). New ideas about old age security: toward sustainable pension systems in the 21st century. Washington, DC: World Bank. ISBN 9780821348222.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Yusuf, Shahid (2001). Rethinking the East Asia miracle. Washington, D.C. New York: World Bank Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195216004.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (author); Chang, Ha-Joon (editor) (2001). Joseph Stiglitz and the World Bank: the rebel within. London, England: Anthem Press. ISBN 9781898855538.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Sah, Raaj K. (1992). Peasants versus city-dwellers: taxation and the burden of economic development. Oxford New York: Clarendon Press Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199253579. (Reprinted 2005.)
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2002). Globalization and its discontents. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393051247.
Stiglitz, Joseph; Greenwald, Bruce (2003). Towards a new paradigm in monetary economics. The Raffaele Mattioli Lecture Series. Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521810340.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2003). The roaring nineties: a new history of the world's most prosperous decade. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393058529.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2004). The development round of trade negotiations in the aftermath of Cancún. London, UK: Commonwealth Secretariat. ISBN 9780850928013.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Charlton, Andrew (2005). Fair trade for all: how trade can promote development. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199290901.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Walsh, Carl E. (2006). Economics (4th ed.). New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393926224.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Walsh, Carl E. (2006). Principles of macroeconomics (4th ed.). New York: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393926248.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Ocampo, José Antonio; Ffrench-Davis, Ricardo; Nayyar, Deepak; Spiegel, Shari (2006). Stability with growth: macroeconomics, liberalization and development. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199288144.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2006). Making globalization work. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393061222.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Bilmes, Linda (2008). The three trillion dollar war: the true cost of the Iraq conflict. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393067019.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Ocampo, José Antonio; Griffith-Jones, Stephany (2010). Time for a visible hand: lessons from the 2008 world financial crisis. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199578818.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2010). The Stiglitz report: reforming the international monetary and financial systems in the wake of the global crisis. New York, New York London: The New Press. ISBN 9781595585202.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Sen, Amartya; Fitoussi, Jean-Paul (2010). Mismeasuring our lives: why GDP doesn't add up: the report. New York: New Press Distributed by Perseus Distribution. ISBN 9781595585196.
Stiglitz, Joseph (2010). Freefall: America, free markets, and the sinking of the world economy. New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393338959.

Also as: Stiglitz, Joseph (2010). Freefall: free markets and the sinking of the global economy. London: Penguin. ISBN 9780141045122.

Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2012). The Price of Inequality: How Today's Divided Society Endangers Our Future. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393088694.
Stiglitz, Joseph; Greenwald, Bruce C. (2014). Creating a learning society: a new approach to growth, development, and social progress. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231152143.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2015). The great divide: unequal societies and what we can do about them. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393248579.
Stiglitz, Joseph E.; Greenwald, Bruce C. (2015). Creating a learning society: a new approach to growth, development, and social progress. Columbia: Columbia University Press. ISBN 9780231175494.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2016). The Euro: And its Threat to the Future of Europe. Allen Lane. ISBN 9780241258156.

Book chapters

Stiglitz, Joseph E. (1989), "Principal and agent", in Eatwell, John; Milgate, Murray; Newman, Peter K., The New Palgrave: allocation, information, and markets, New York: Norton, ISBN 9780393958546.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (1993), "Market socialism and neoclassical economics", in Bardhan, Pranab; Roemer, John E., Market socialism: the current debate, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 9780195080490.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2009), "Regulation and failure", in Moss, David A.; Cisternino, John A., New perspectives on regulation, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Tobin Project, pp. 11–23, ISBN 9780982478806. Pdf version.
Stiglitz, Joseph E. (2009), "Simple formulae for optional income taxation and the measurement of inequality", in Kanbur, Ravi; Basu, Kaushik, Arguments for a better world: essays in honor of Amartya Sen | Volume I: Ethics, welfare, and measurement, Oxford New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 535–66, ISBN 9780199239115.

Élisabeth Guigou (French pronunciation: [elizabɛt ɡiˈɡu]; born Élisabeth Vallier; 6 August 1946) is a French socialist politician.[1]

Contents

1 Early life and career
1.1 Studies
2 Political career
2.1 Member of the European Parliament, 1994–1997
2.2 Member of the Jospin government, 1997–2002
2.3 Member of the National Assembly, 2002–present
2.4 Overview
3 Other activities
4 Political positions
5 Personal life
6 References
7 External links

Early life and career

Guigou was born in Marrakesh, Morocco. After attending Sciences Po Aix and ENA, France's elite graduate school of public affairs, she worked in Jacques Delors' staff in 1982 before being hired by Hubert Védrine in François Mitterrand's government. She was appointed Secretary-General of the Interminsterial Committee on European Economical Matters in 1986 during the period of cohabitation.
Studies

Bachelor of English Language, Paul Valéry University, Montpellier III
Master of American Literature, Paul Valéry University, Montpellier III
Master of Political Science, Institut d'études politiques d'Aix-en-Provence
2 years university degree in Economy (DEUG), Aix-Marseille University
Alumna of the École nationale d'administration (ENA), Promotion Simone Weil (1974).

Political career

Guigou first got a taste of front-line politics when she was appointed Minister of European Affairs (1990–1993), during the campaign on the Maastricht Treaty.
Member of the European Parliament, 1994–1997

Guigou was elected to the European Parliament in the 1994 elections. Throughout her time in parliament, she served as vice-chairwoman of the Committee on Institutional Affairs. During 1994–1995 she was member of the Tindemans group. Together with Elmar Brok, she represented the European Parliament in the negotiations that produced the Amsterdam Treaty.
Member of the Jospin government, 1997–2002

In 1997, Guigou was elected to the National Assembly in the Vaucluse département and entered incoming Prime Minister Lionel Jospin's cabinet, as Minister of Justice (1997–2000) and then as Minister of Employment (2000–2002).

During her time in office, Guigou co-sponsored several bills that became law. She co-sponsored a 1998 law which abrogated the requirement of "manifestation of will" for children born in France of foreign parents to gain citizenship.[2] Also in the late 1990s, she took action to grant investigating magsitrates more independence; at the same time, she gave the Justice Ministry the ability to intervene.[3]

Guigou also co-sponsored a 2000 law which articulated the French policy on presumption of innocence in media by prohibiting magazines and newspapers from publishing photographs of accused individuals wearing handcuffs or other scenes which may "jeopardise a victim's dignity".[4] It forbids the publication of photographs of survivors of violent crimes, including terrorist attacks, without their permission.[5] The law, which was unanimously supported by the Senate and later became known as the Guigou law,[6] was openly opposed by leading publications such as Paris Match, which ignores the law.

In 2001, in response to announcements of layoffs ahead of the 2002 presidential elections, Guigou and Jospin developed a proposal that required large employers planning layoffs to double severance-pay packages and provide at least six months' job retraining to laid-off workers.[7]
Member of the National Assembly, 2002–present

Guigou failed to be elected Mayor of Avignon and, facing possible defeat against Marie-Josée Roig in her district, was nominated as a candidate for the National Assembly in 2002 in the heavily left-wing département of Seine-Saint-Denis. She was re-elected in 2007.

Guigou campaigned for the Yes side in the referendum on the 2005 Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe.

From 2010 until 2011, Guigou served as vice-president of the National Assembly. In 2011, she was a supporter of Socialist Party leader Martine Aubry's presidential bid. However, she later helped Aubry’s competitor François Hollande to prepare to re-negotiate European fiscal rules.[8]

Guigou has been serving as chairwoman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs since 2012. She is also a member of the Committee on European Affairs and the Working Group on the Prevention of Conflicts of Interest. In addition to her committee assignments, she serves as vice-chairwoman of the French-Moroccan Parliamentary Friendship Group.

In 2013, Guigou represented France for the funeral of Margaret Thatcher.[9]

Shortly after the referendum on the status of Crimea held on March 16, 2014, Guigou and her counterparts of the Weimar Triangle parliaments – Norbert Röttgen of Germany and Grzegorz Schetyna of Poland – visited Kyiv to express their countries’ firm support of the territorial integrity and the European integration of Ukraine.[10] This was the first time that parliamentarians of the Weimar Triangle had ever made a joint trip to a third country.[11]

Following the 2014 European elections, Guigou confirmed her interest in succeeding Michel Barnier as France’s member of the European Commission, thereby challenging Pierre Moscovici.[12]

Since 2015, Guigou has been serving as a member of the European Commission’s High-level Group of Personalities on Defence Research chaired by Elżbieta Bieńkowska.[13]
Overview

Governmental function

Minister of European Affairs : 1990–1993.

Keeper of the seals, Minister of Justice : 1997–2000.

Minister of Employment and Solidarity : 2000–2002.

Electoral mandates

European Parliament

Member of the European Parliament : 1994–1997 (Became minister in 1997, and elected in parliamentary elections).

French Parliament

Member of the National Assembly of France for Vaucluse : June 1997- July 1997 (Appointed Minister of Justice in July 1997).

Member of the National Assembly of France for Seine-Saint-Denis : Elected in 2002, reelected in 2007 and 2012.

Regional Council

Regional councillor of Provence-Alpes-Côte d'Azur : Elected in 1992, reelected in 1998, resigned in 2001.

Municipal Council

Deputy-mayor of Noisy-le-Sec : 2008-2010.
Other activities

Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue Between Cultures, President (since 2014)[14]
European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR), Member of the Council[15]
Femmes d'Europe (Women of Europe), Founder
Europartenaires, founding chairwoman and co-president (with Jean-Noël Jeanneney)
Friends of Europe, Member of the Board of Trustees[16]
Institut de Prospective Economique du Monde Méditerranéen (IPEMED), Member of the Political Sponsorship Committee[17]
Institut du Bosphore, Member of the Scientific Committee[18]
Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri), Member of the Board of Directors[19]
Jacques Delors Institute, Member of the Board of Directors
Trilateral Commission, Member of the European Group[20]

Political positions

In December 2014, Guigou raised international media attention by sponsoring a resolution to ask the French government to recognise Palestine.[21]

In May 2016, Guigou joined 16 French female politicians – including Christine Lagarde and Fleur Pellerin – in calling for an end to “immunity” for sexist male politicians in an open letter published in the Journal de Dimanche newspaper. The letter came after Denis Baupin, deputy speaker of the National Assembly, resigned over sexual harassment claims.[22]
Personal life

Guigou is the spouse of Jean-Louis Guigou, a professor of economics, former technical adviser to Michel Rocard and civil servant. They have one child.
References

"Assemblée nationale ~ Les députés : Mme Élisabeth Guigou". Assemblée nationale. Retrieved 7 June 2010.
French Embassy (French)
Gail Edmondson (November 15, 1999), High Anxiety In Paris Bloomberg News.
"French law angers media". BBC News. 30 May 2000.
Dan Bilefsky (April 30, 2016), Photo of Paris Massacre Victim Sets Off Press Freedom Case New York Times.
Dan Bilefsky (April 30, 2016), Photo of Paris Massacre Victim Sets Off Press Freedom Case New York Times.
Carol Matlack and Jack Ewing (May 14, 2001), Why Germany and France Are Veering Left Bloomberg News.
Helene Fouquet (May 8, 2012), Socialist Elephants Stampede for Jobs With Hollande Bloomberg News.
Kitty Donaldson (April 16, 2013), Kissinger to Attend Thatcher’s Funeral as Obama Stays Away Bloomberg News.
Weimar Triangle countries support the territorial integrity and European integration of Ukraine Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, press release of April 11, 2014.
Parlamentarier des Weimarer Dreiecks: Röttgen, Guigou und Schetyna in Kiew Bundestag, press release of April 8, 2014.
Frédéric Simon (May 7, 2014), France EU hopeful urges new Commission to be ‘more political’ EurActiv.
Simon Taylor (March 30, 2015), High-level group of personalities on defence research European Voice.
Elisabeth Guigou elected as new President of the Anna Lindh Foundation Anna Lindh Euro-Mediterranean Foundation for the Dialogue Between Cultures, press release of October 12, 2014.
Members of the Council European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).
Board of Trustees Friends of Europe.
Governance Institut de Prospective Economique du Monde Méditerranéen (IPEMED), Paris.
Scientific Committee Institut du Bosphore, Paris.
Board of Directors Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri).
Membership Trilateral Commission.
John Lichfield (December 2, 2014), Palestinian statehood: French national assembly votes overwhelmingly to ask government to recognise Palestine The Independent.

'Don't comment on our 'great breasts: French female politicians fight back The Daily Telegraph, May 16, 2016.

External links

Official website

Political offices
Preceded by
Édith Cresson Minister for European Affairs
1990–1993 Succeeded by
Alain Lamassoure
Preceded by
Jacques Toubon Minister of Justice
1997–2000 Succeeded by
Marylise Lebranchu
Preceded by
Martine Aubry Minister of Social Affairs
2000–2002 Succeeded by
François Fillon
Authority control

WorldCat Identities VIAF: 79100185 LCCN: n80012587 ISNI: 0000 0001 1072 4238 GND: 121091899 SUDOC: 032901917 BNF: cb123841674 (data)

Categories:

1946 birthsAlumni of Lycée Descartes (Rabat)Convention of Republican Institutions politiciansÉcole nationale d'administration alumniFrench Ministers of JusticeWomen government ministers of FranceLiving peopleMembers of the National Assembly of the French Fifth RepublicPeople from MarrakeshSciences Po Aix alumniSocialist Party (France) politiciansUnified Socialist Party (France) politicians

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