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 Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.

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yanis la chouette



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Date d'inscription : 12/11/2005

MessageSujet: Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.   Mar 17 Juil à 2:59

L'INFINI.
Clistopyga crassicaudata, Y'becca, TAY et the Jovian moon.
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DANS LA LECTURE DE GALILÉE, LE TEMPS EST L'UNION DE LA VIE ET DE LA DURÉE. SANS REGARD SUR LA MORT, L’ESPÉRANCE PORTE CES MOTS EN UNE VÉRITÉ : LA RÉALITÉ EST LA SOURCE DES MOUVEMENTS.
TAY

The breakup of Yugoslavia occurred as a result of a series of political upheavals and conflicts during the early 1990s. After a period of political crisis in the 1980s, constituent republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia split apart, but the unresolved issues caused bitter inter-ethnic Yugoslav wars. The wars primarily affected Bosnia and Herzegovina and neighboring parts of Croatia.

After the Allied victory in World War II, Yugoslavia was set up as a federation of six republics, with borders drawn along ethnic and historical lines: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia. In addition, two autonomous provinces were established within Serbia: Vojvodina and Kosovo. Each of the republics had its own branch of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia party and a ruling elite, and any tensions were solved on the federal level. The Yugoslav model of state organization, as well as a "middle way" between planned and liberal economy, had been a relative success, and the country experienced a period of strong economic growth and relative political stability up to the 1980s, under the rule of president-for-life Josip Broz Tito. After his death in 1980, the weakened system of federal government was left unable to cope with rising economic and political challenges.

In the 1980s, Albanians of Kosovo started to demand that their autonomous province be granted the status of a constituent republic, starting with the 1981 protests. Ethnic tensions between Albanians and Kosovo Serbs remained high over the whole decade, which resulted in the growth across Yugoslavia of Serb opposition to the high autonomy of provinces and ineffective system of consensus at the federal level, which were seen as an obstacle for Serb interests. In 1987, Slobodan Milošević came to power in Serbia, and through a series of populist moves acquired de facto control over Kosovo, Vojvodina and Montenegro, garnering a high level of support among Serbs for his centralist policies. Milošević was met with opposition by party leaders of the western republics of Slovenia and Croatia, who also advocated greater democratization of the country in line with the Revolutions of 1989 in Eastern Europe. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia dissolved in January 1990 along federal lines. Republican communist organizations became the separate socialist parties.

During 1990, the socialists (former communists) lost power to ethnic separatist parties in the first multi-party elections held across the country, except in Serbia and Montenegro, where they were won by Milošević and his allies. Nationalist rhetoric on all sides became increasingly heated. Between June 1991 and April 1992, four republics declared independence (only Serbia and Montenegro remained federated), but the status of ethnic Serbs outside Serbia and Montenegro, and that of ethnic Croats outside Croatia, remained unsolved. After a string of inter-ethnic incidents, the Yugoslav Wars ensued, first in Croatia and then, most severely, in multi-ethnic Bosnia and Herzegovina; the wars left long-term economic and political damage in the region.

Background

Yugoslavia occupied a significant portion of the Balkan peninsula, including a strip of land on the east coast of the Adriatic Sea, stretching southward from the Bay of Trieste in Central Europe to the mouth of Bojana as well as Lake Prespa inland, and eastward as far as the Iron Gates on the Danube and Midžor in the Balkan Mountains, thus including a large part of Southeast Europe, a region with a history of ethnic conflict.

The important elements that fostered the discord involved contemporary and historical factors, including the formation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the first breakup and subsequent inter-ethnic and political wars and genocide during World War II, ideas of Greater Serbia, Greater Croatia, Greater Albania, and conflicting views about Pan-Slavism, and the unilateral recognition by a newly reunited Germany of the breakaway republics.

Before World War II, major tensions arose from the first, monarchist Yugoslavia's multi-ethnic make-up and relative political and demographic domination of the Serbs. Fundamental to the tensions were the different concepts of the new state. The Croats and Slovenes envisaged a federal model where they would enjoy greater autonomy than they had as a separate crown land under Austria-Hungary. Under Austria-Hungary, both Slovenes and Croats enjoyed autonomy with free hands only in education, law, religion, and 45% of taxes.[1] The Serbs tended to view the territories as a just reward for their support of the allies in World War I and the new state as an extension of the Kingdom of Serbia.[citation needed]

Tensions between the Croats and Serbs often erupted into open conflict, with the Serb-dominated security structure exercising oppression during elections and the assassination in national parliament of Croat political leaders, including Stjepan Radić, who opposed the Serbian monarch's absolutism.[2] The assassination and human rights abuses were subject of concern for the Human Rights League and precipitated voices of protest from intellectuals, including Albert Einstein.[3] It was in this environment of oppression that the radical insurgent group (later fascist dictatorship), the Ustaše were formed.

During World War II, the country's tensions were exploited by the occupying Axis forces which established a Croat puppet state spanning much of present-day Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Axis powers installed the Ustaše as the leaders of the Independent State of Croatia.

The Ustaše resolved that the Serbian minority were a fifth column of Serbian expansionism, and pursued a policy of persecution against the Serbs. The policy dictated that one-third of the Serbian minority were to be killed, one-third expelled, and one-third converted to Catholicism and assimilated as Croats. Conversely, the Chetniks pursued their own campaign of persecution in parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sandžak per the Moljevic plan ("On Our State and Its Borders") and the orders issues by Draža Mihailović which included "[t]he cleansing of all nation understandings and fighting".

Both Croats and Muslims were recruited as soldiers by the SS (primarily in the 13th Waffen Mountain Division). At the same time, former royalist, General Milan Nedić, was installed by the Axis as head of the puppet government and local Serbs were recruited into the Gestapo and the Serbian Volunteer Corps. Both quislings were confronted and eventually defeated by the communist-led, anti-fascist Partisan movement composed of members of all ethnic groups in the area, leading to the formation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

The official Yugoslav post-war estimate of victims in Yugoslavia during World War II was 1,704,000. Subsequent data gathering in the 1980s by historians Vladimir Žerjavić and Bogoljub Kočović showed that the actual number of dead was about 1 million. Of that number, 330,000 to 390,000 ethnic Serbs perished from all causes in Croatia and Bosnia.[4]

Yugoslavia was in its heyday a regional industrial power and an economic success. From 1960 to 1980, annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaged 6.1 percent, medical care was free, literacy was 91 percent, and life expectancy was 72 years.[5]

Yugoslavia was a unique state, straddling both the East and West. Moreover, its president, Josip Broz Tito, was one of the fundamental founders of the "third world" or "group of 77" which acted as an alternative to the superpowers. More importantly, Yugoslavia acted as a buffer state between the West and the Soviet Union and also prevented the Soviets from getting a toehold on the Mediterranean Sea.

The central government's control began to be loosened due to increasing nationalist grievances and the Communist's Party's wish to support "national self determination". This resulted in Kosovo being turned into an autonomous region of Serbia, legislated by the 1974 constitution. This constitution broke down powers between the capital and the autonomous regions in Vojvodina (an area of Yugoslavia with a large number of ethnic minorities) and Kosovo (with a large ethnic-Albanian population).

Despite the federal structure of the new Yugoslavia, there was still tension between the federalists, primarily Croats and Slovenes who argued for greater autonomy, and unitarists, primarily Serbs. The struggle would occur in cycles of protests for greater individual and national rights (such as the Croatian Spring) and subsequent repression. The 1974 constitution was an attempt to short-circuit this pattern by entrenching the federal model and formalizing national rights.

The loosened control basically turned Yugoslavia into a de facto confederacy, which also placed pressure on the legitimacy of the regime within the federation. Since the late 1970s a widening gap of economic resources between the developed and underdeveloped regions of Yugoslavia severely deteriorated the federation's unity.[6] The most developed republics, Croatia and Slovenia, rejected attempts to limit their autonomy as provided in the 1974 Constitution.[6] Public opinion in Slovenia in 1987 saw better economic opportunity in independence from Yugoslavia than within it.[6] There were also places that saw no economic benefit from being in Yugoslavia; for example, the autonomous province of Kosovo was poorly developed, and per capita GDP fell from 47 percent of the Yugoslav average in the immediate post-war period to 27 percent by the 1980s.[7] It highlighted the vast differences in the quality of life in the different republics.

Economic growth was curbed due to Western trade barriers combined with the 1973 oil crisis. Yugoslavia subsequently fell into heavy IMF debt due to the large number of International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans taken out by the regime. As a condition of receiving loans, the IMF demanded the "market liberalization" of Yugoslavia. By 1981, Yugoslavia had incurred $19.9 billion in foreign debt. Another concern was the unemployment rate, at 1 million by 1980. This problem was compounded by the general "unproductiveness of the South," which not only added to Yugoslavia's economic woes, but also irritated Slovenia and Croatia further.[8][9]
Causes
Structural problems

The SFR Yugoslavia was a conglomeration of eight federated entities, roughly divided along ethnic lines, including six republics—

Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia,
Macedonia,
Montenegro,
Serbia and
Slovenia

—and two autonomous provinces within Serbia,

Vojvodina and
Kosovo.

With the 1974 Constitution, the office of President of Yugoslavia was replaced with the Yugoslav Presidency, an eight-member collective head-of-state composed of representatives from six republics and, controversially, two autonomous provinces of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, SAP Kosovo and SAP Vojvodina.

Since the SFR Yugoslav federation was formed in 1945, the constituent Socialist Republic of Serbia (SR Serbia) included the two autonomous provinces of SAP Kosovo and SAP Vojvodina. With the 1974 constitution, the influence of the central government of SR Serbia over the provinces was greatly reduced, which gave them long-sought autonomy. The government of SR Serbia was restricted in making and carrying out decisions that would apply to the provinces. The provinces had a vote in the Yugoslav Presidency, which was not always cast in favor of SR Serbia. In Serbia, there was great resentment towards these developments, which the nationalist elements of the public saw as the "division of Serbia". The 1974 constitution not only exacerbated Serbian fears of a "weak Serbia, for a strong Yugoslavia" but also hit at the heart of Serbian national sentiment. A majority of Serbs see Kosovo as the "cradle of the nation", and would not accept the possibility of losing it to the majority Albanian population.

In an effort to ensure his legacy, Tito's 1974 constitution established a system of year-long presidencies, on a rotation basis out of the eight leaders of the republics and autonomous provinces. Tito's death would show that such short terms were highly ineffective. Essentially it left a power vacuum which was left open for most of the 1980s.
Economic collapse and the international climate

During the years of Tito's presidency, his policy was to push for rapid economic growth. Indeed, growth was high in the 1970s. However, the over-expansion of economic growth caused inflation and pushed Yugoslavia into economic recession.[10]

After the death of Tito and the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev, perestroika and glasnost in the Soviet Union, the West felt secure enough in the USSR's intentions that Yugoslavia was no longer of pivotal strategic importance. Despite Belgrade's non-alignment and its extensive trading relations with the European Community and the US, the Reagan administration specifically targeted the Yugoslav economy in a Secret Sensitive 1984 National Security Decision Directive NSDD 133. "U.S. Policy towards Yugoslavia."[11] A censored version declassified in 1990 elaborated on NSDD 54 on Eastern Europe, issued in 1982.[12] The latter advocated "expanded efforts to promote a 'quiet revolution' to overthrow Communist governments and parties," while reintegrating the countries of Eastern Europe into a market-oriented economy.[13]

The external status quo, which the Communist Party had depended upon to remain viable was thus beginning to disappear. Furthermore, the failure of communism all over Central and Eastern Europe once again brought Yugoslavia's inner contradictions, economic inefficiencies (such as chronic lack of productivity, fuelled by the country's leaderships' decision to enforce a policy of full employment), and ethno-religious tensions to the surface. Yugoslavia's non-aligned status resulted in access to loans from both superpower blocs. This contact with the United States and the West opened up Yugoslavia's markets sooner than the rest of Central and Eastern Europe.

The 1980s were a decade of Western economic ministrations.

A decade of frugality resulted in growing frustration and resentment against both the Serbian 'ruling class,' and the minorities who were seen to benefit from government legislation. Real earnings in Yugoslavia fell by 25% from 1979 to 1985.

By 1988 emigrant remittances to Yugoslavia totalled over $4.5 billion (USD), and
by 1989 remittances were $6.2 billion (USD),

making up over 19% of the world's total.[8][9]
Death of Tito and the weakening of Communism

On 4 May 1980, Tito's death was announced through state broadcasts across Yugoslavia. His death removed what many international political observers saw as Yugoslavia's main unifying force and subsequent ethnic tension started to grow in Yugoslavia. The crisis that emerged in Yugoslavia was connected with the weakening of the Communist states in Eastern Europe towards the end of the Cold War, as symbolized by the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. In Yugoslavia, the national communist party, officially called the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, had lost its ideological potency.[14]

In 1986, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU) contributed significantly to the rise of nationalist sentiments, as it drafted the controversial SANU Memorandum protesting against the weakening of the Serbian central government.

The problems in the Serbian autonomous province of SAP Kosovo between ethnic Serbs and Albanians grew exponentially. This, coupled with economic problems in Kosovo and Serbia as a whole, led to even greater Serbian resentment of the 1974 Constitution. Kosovo Albanians started to demand that Kosovo be granted the status of a constituent republic beginning in the early 1980s, particularly with the 1981 protests in Kosovo. This was seen by the Serbian public as a devastating blow to Serb pride because of the historic links that Serbians held with Kosovo. It was viewed that that secession would be devastating to Kosovar Serbs. This, eventually, led to the repression of the Albanian majority in Kosovo.[15][better source needed]

The more prosperous republics of SR Slovenia and SR Croatia wanted to move towards decentralization and democracy.[16]
Rise of nationalism in Serbia (1987–89)
See also: Serbian nationalism
Slobodan Milošević
Serbian President Slobodan Milošević's unequivocal desire to uphold the unity of Serbs, a status threatened by each republic breaking away from the federation, in addition to his opposition to the Albanian authorities in Kosovo, further inflamed ethnic tensions.

In 1987, Serbian communist official Slobodan Milošević was sent to bring calm to an ethnically-driven protest by Serbs against the Albanian administration of SAP Kosovo. Milošević had been, up to this point, a hard-line communist who had decried all forms of nationalism as treachery, such as condemning the SANU Memorandum as "nothing else but the darkest nationalism".[17] However, Kosovo's autonomy had always been an unpopular policy in Serbia and he took advantage of the situation and made a departure from traditional communist neutrality on the issue of Kosovo.

Milošević assured Serbs that their mistreatment by ethnic Albanians would be stopped. He then began a campaign against the ruling communist elite of SR Serbia, demanding reductions in the autonomy of Kosovo and Vojvodina. These actions made him popular amongst Serbs and aided his rise to power in Serbia. Milošević and his allies took on an aggressive nationalist agenda of reviving SR Serbia within Yugoslavia, promising reforms and protection of all Serbs.

The ruling party of SFR Yugoslavia was the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), a composite political party made-up of eight Leagues of Communists from the six republics and two autonomous provinces. The League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) governed SR Serbia. Riding the wave of nationalist sentiment and his new popularity gained in Kosovo, Slobodan Milošević (Chairman of the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) since May 1986) became the most powerful politician in Serbia by defeating his former mentor President of Serbia Ivan Stambolic at the 8th Session of the League of Communists of Serbia on 22 September 1987. In a 1988 Belgrade rally, Milošević made clear his perception of the situation facing SR Serbia in Yugoslavia, saying:

At home and abroad, Serbia's enemies are massing against us. We say to them "We are not afraid. We will not flinch from battle".
— Slobodan Milošević, 19 November 1988.[18]

On another occasion, he privately stated:

We Serbs will act in the interest of Serbia whether we do it in compliance with the constitution or not, whether we do it in compliance in the law or not, whether we do it in compliance with party statutes or not.
— Slobodan Milošević[19]

Anti-bureaucratic revolution
Main article: Anti-bureaucratic revolution

The Anti-bureaucratic revolution was a series of revolts in Serbia and Montenegro which brought Milošević's supporters in SAP Vojvodina, SAP Kosovo, and the Socialist Republic of Montenegro (SR Montenegro) to power. The government of Montenegro survived a coup d'état in October 1988,[20] but not a second one in January 1989.[21]

In addition to Serbia itself, Milošević could now install representatives of the two provinces and SR Montenegro in the Yugoslav Presidency Council. The very instrument that reduced Serbian influence before was now used to increase it: in the eight member Presidency, Milošević could count on a minimum of four votes – SR Montenegro (following local events), his own through SR Serbia, and now SAP Vojvodina and SAP Kosovo as well. In a series of rallies, called "Rallies of Truth", Milošević's supporters succeeded in overthrowing local governments and replacing them with his allies.

As a result of these events, in February 1989 the ethnic Albanian miners in Kosovo organized the 1989 Kosovo miners' strike, demanding the preservation of the, now endangered, autonomy.[22] This contributed to ethnic conflict between the Albanians and the Serb population of the province. At 77% of the population of Kosovo in the 1980s,[23] ethnic-Albanians were the majority.

In June 1989, the 600th anniversary of Serbia's historic defeat at the field of Kosovo, Slobodan Milošević gave the Gazimestan speech to 200,000 Serbs, with a Serb nationalist theme which deliberately evoked medieval Serbian history. Milošević's answer to the incompetence of the federal system was to centralise the government. Considering Slovenia and Croatia were looking farther ahead to independence, this was considered unacceptable.
Repercussions

Meanwhile, the Socialist Republic of Croatia (SR Croatia) and the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (SR Slovenia), supported the Albanian miners and their struggle for recognition. Media in SR Slovenia published articles comparing Milošević to Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. Milošević contended that such criticism was unfounded and amounted to "spreading fear of Serbia".[24] Milošević's state-run media claimed in response that Milan Kučan, head of the League of Communists of Slovenia, was endorsing Kosovo and Slovene separatism. Initial strikes in Kosovo turned into widespread demonstrations calling for Kosovo to be made the seventh republic. This angered Serbia's leadership which proceeded to use police force, and later the federal army (the Yugoslav People's Army JNA) by order of the Serbian-controlled Presidency.

In February 1989 ethnic Albanian Azem Vllasi, SAP Kosovo's representative on the Presidency, was forced to resign and was replaced by an ally of Milošević. Albanian protesters demanded that Vllasi be returned to office, and Vllasi's support for the demonstrations caused Milošević and his allies to respond stating this was a "counter-revolution against Serbia and Yugoslavia", and demanded that the federal Yugoslav government put down the striking Albanians by force. Milošević's aim was aided when a huge protest was formed outside of the Yugoslav parliament in Belgrade by Serb supporters of Milošević who demanded that the Yugoslav military forces make their presence stronger in Kosovo to protect the Serbs there and put down the strike.

On 27 February, SR Slovene representative in the collective presidency of Yugoslavia, Milan Kučan, opposed the demands of the Serbs and left Belgrade for SR Slovenia where he attended a meeting in the Cankar Hall in Ljubljana, co-organized with the democratic opposition forces, publicly endorsing the efforts of Albanian protesters who demanded that Vllasi be released. In the 1995 BBC documentary The Death of Yugoslavia, Kučan claimed that in 1989, he was concerned that with the successes of Milošević's anti-bureaucratic revolution in Serbia's provinces as well as Montenegro, that his small republic would be the next target for a political coup by Milošević's supporters if the coup in Kosovo went unimpeded. Serbian state-run television denounced Kučan as a separatist, a traitor, and an endorser of Albanian separatism.

Serb protests continued in Belgrade demanding action in Kosovo. Milošević instructed communist representative Petar Gračanin to make sure the protest continued while he discussed matters at the council of the League of Communists, as a means to induce the other members to realize that enormous support was on his side in putting down the Albanian strike in Kosovo. Serbian parliament speaker Borisav Jović, a strong ally of Milošević, met with the current President of the Yugoslav Presidency, Bosnian representative Raif Dizdarević, and demanded that the federal government concede to Serbian demands. Dizdarević argued with Jović saying that "You [Serbian politicians] organized the demonstrations, you control it", Jović refused to take responsibility for the actions of the protesters. Dizdarević then decided to attempt to bring calm to the situation himself by talking with the protesters, by making an impassioned speech for unity of Yugoslavia saying:

Our fathers died to create Yugoslavia. We will not go down the road to national conflict. We will take the path of Brotherhood and Unity.
— Raif Dizdarević, 1989.[18]

This statement received polite applause, but the protest continued. Later Jović spoke to the crowds with enthusiasm and told them that Milošević was going to arrive to support their protest. When Milošević arrived, he spoke to the protesters and jubilantly told them that the people of Serbia were winning their fight against the old party bureaucrats. Then a shout to be from the crowd yelled "arrest Vllasi'". Milošević pretended not to hear the demand correctly but declared to the crowd that anyone conspiring against the unity of Yugoslavia would be arrested and punished and the next day, with the party council pushed to submission to Serbia, Yugoslav army forces poured into Kosovo and Vllasi was arrested.

In March 1989, the crisis in Yugoslavia deepened after the adoption of amendments to the Serbian constitution that allowed the Serbian republic's government to re-assert effective power over the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina. Up until that time, a number of political decisions were legislated from within these provinces, and they had a vote on the Yugoslav federal presidency level (six members from the republics and two members from the autonomous provinces).[25]

A group of Kosovo Serb supporters of Milošević who helped bring down Vllasi declared that they were going to Slovenia to hold "the Rally of Truth" which would decry Milan Kučan as a traitor to Yugoslavia and demand his ousting. However, the attempt to replay the anti-bureaucratic revolution in Ljubljana in December 1989 failed: the Serb protesters who were to go by train to Slovenia, were stopped when the police of SR Croatia blocked all transit through its territory in coordination with the Slovene police forces.[26][27][28]

In the Presidency of Yugoslavia, Serbia's Borisav Jović (at the time the President of the Presidency), Montenegro's Nenad Bućin, Vojvodina's Jugoslav Kostić and Kosovo's Riza Sapunxhiu, started to form a voting bloc.[29]
Final political crisis (1990–92)
Party crisis

In January 1990, the extraordinary 14th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia was convened. The combined Yugoslav ruling party, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), was in crisis. Most of the Congress was spent with the Serbian and Slovene delegations arguing over the future of the League of Communists and Yugoslavia. SR Croatia's actions in preventing Serb protesters from reaching Slovenia played its part. The Serbian delegation, led by Milošević, insisted on a policy of "one person, one vote" in the party membership, which would empower the largest party ethnic group, the Serbs.

In turn, the Croats and Slovenes sought to reform Yugoslavia by delegating even more power to six republics, but were voted down continuously in every motion in an attempt to force the party to adopt the new voting system. As a result, the Croatian delegation, led by Chairman Ivica Račan, and Slovene delegation left the Congress on 23 January 1990, effectively dissolving the all-Yugoslav party. This in turn, along with external pressure, caused the adoption of multi-party systems in all republics.
Multi-party elections

When the individual republics organized their multi-party elections in 1990, the ex-communists mostly failed to win re-election, while most of the elected governments took on nationalist platforms, promising to protect their separate nationalist interests. In multi-party parliamentary elections nationalists defeated re-branded former Communist parties in Slovenia on 8 April 1990, in Croatia on 22 April and 2 May 1990, in Macedonia 11 and 25 November and 9 December 1990, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina on 18 and 25 November 1990.

In multi-party parliamentary elections, re-branded former communist parties were victorious in Montenegro on 9 and 16 December 1990, and in Serbia on 9 and 23 December 1990. In addition Serbia re-elected Slobodan Milošević as President. Serbia and Montenegro now increasingly favored a Serb-dominated Yugoslavia.
Ethnic tensions in Croatia
Croatian President Franjo Tuđman

In Croatia, the nationalist Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) was elected to power, led by controversial nationalist Franjo Tuđman, under the promise of "protecting Croatia from Milošević", publicly advocating for Croatian sovereignty. Croatian Serbs, for their part, were wary of Tuđman's nationalist government and in 1990, Serb nationalists in the southern Croatian town of Knin organized and formed a separatist entity known as the SAO Krajina, which demanded to remain in union with the rest of the Serb populations if Croatia decided to secede. The government of Serbia endorsed the Croatian Serbs' rebellion, claiming that for Serbs, rule under Tuđman's government would be equivalent to the World War II fascist Independent State of Croatia (NDH) which committed genocide against Serbs during World War II. Milošević used this to rally Serbs against the Croatian government and Serbian newspapers joined in the warmongering.[30] Serbia had by now printed $1.8 billion worth of new money without any backing of the Yugoslav central bank.[31]

Croatian Serbs in Knin, under the leadership of local Knin police inspector Milan Martić, began to try to gain access to weapons so that the Croatian Serbs could mount a successful revolt against the Croatian government. Croatian Serb politicians including the Mayor of Knin met with Borisav Jović, the head of the Yugoslav Presidency in August 1990, and urged him to push the council to take action to prevent Croatia from separating from Yugoslavia, as they claimed that the Serb population would be in danger in Croatia led by Tuđman and his nationalist government.

At the meeting, army official Petar Gračanin told the Croatian Serb politicians how to organize their rebellion, telling them to put up barricades, as well as assemble weapons of any sort in which he said "If you can't get anything else, use hunting rifles". Initially the revolt became known as the "Log Revolution" as Serbs blockaded roadways to Knin with cut-down trees and prevented Croats from entering Knin or the Croatian coastal region of Dalmatia. The BBC documentary "The Death of Yugoslavia" revealed that at the time, Croatian TV dismissed the "Log Revolution" as the work of drunken Serbs, trying to diminish the serious dispute. However the blockade was damaging to Croatian tourism. The Croatian government refused to negotiate with the Serb separatists and decided to stop the rebellion by force, and sent in armed special forces by helicopters to put down the rebellion.

The pilots claimed they were bringing "equipment" to Knin, but the federal Yugoslav Air Force intervened and sent fighter jets to intercept them and demanded that the helicopters return to their base or they would be fired upon, in which the Croatian forces obliged and returned to their base in Zagreb. To the Croatian government, this action by the Yugoslav Air Force revealed to them that the Yugoslav People's Army was increasingly under Serbian control. The SAO Krajina was officially declared as a separate entity on 21 December 1990, by the Serbian National Council headed by Milan Babić.

In August 1990 the Croatian Parliament replaced its representative Stipe Šuvar with Stjepan Mesić in the wake of the Log Revolution.[32] Mesić was only seated in October 1990 because of protests from the Serbian side, and then joined Macedonia's Vasil Tupurkovski, Slovenia's Janez Drnovšek and Bosnia and Herzegovina's Bogić Bogićević in opposing the demands to proclaim a general state of emergency, which would have allowed the Yugoslav People's Army to impose martial law.[29]

Following the first multi-party election results, the republics of Slovenia, Croatia and Macedonia proposed transforming Yugoslavia into a loose federation of six republics in the autumn of 1990, however Milošević rejected all such proposals, arguing that like Slovenians and Croats, the Serbs also had a right to self-determination. Serbian politicians were alarmed by a change of phrasing in the Christmas Constitution (of Croatia) that changed the status of ethnic Serbs of Croatia, from an explicitly mentioned nation (narod) to a nation listed together with minorities (narodi i manjine).[clarification needed]
Independence of Slovenia and Croatia

In the Slovenian independence referendum, 1990, held on 23 December 1990, a vast majority of residents voted for independence.[33] 88.5% of all electors (94.8% of those participating) voted for independence – which was declared on 25 June 1991.[34][35]

In January 1991, the KOS (Kontraobaveštajna služba, Yugoslav counter-intelligence service) displayed a video of a secret meeting (the "Špegelj Tapes") that they purported had happened some time in 1990 between the Croatian Defence Minister, Martin Špegelj, and two other men, in which Špegelj announced that they were at war with the army and gave instructions about arms smuggling as well as methods of dealing with the Yugoslav Army's officers stationed in Croatian cities. The Army subsequently wanted to indict Špegelj for treason and illegal importation of arms, mainly from Hungary.

The discovery of Croatian arms smuggling combined with the crisis in Knin, the election of independence-leaning governments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Slovenia, and Slovenes demanding independence in the referendum on the issue suggested that Yugoslavia faced the imminent threat of disintegration.

On 1 March 1991, the Pakrac clash ensued, and the Yugoslav People's Army (Jugoslovenska Narodna Armija, JNA) was deployed to the scene. On 9 March 1991, the March 1991 protests in Belgrade were suppressed with the help of the Army.

On 12 March 1991, the leadership of the Army met with the Presidency in an attempt to convince them to declare a state of emergency which would allow for the pan-Yugoslav army to take control of the country. Yugoslav army chief Veljko Kadijević declared that there was a conspiracy to destroy the country, saying:

An insidious plan has been drawn up to destroy Yugoslavia. Stage one is civil war. Stage two is foreign intervention. Then puppet regimes will be set up throughout Yugoslavia.
— Veljko Kadijević, 12 March 1991.[18]

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breakup_of_Yugoslavia

LE MOT DES SENS.
NORIG, LIVE l'Aquoiboniste.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WWsaCbpfr0A
LE MOUVEMENT REPRENDS SA PROGRESSION SUR LE TEMPS
ALORS QUE CELUI CI FORME UNE UNION DANS LE CONTEXTE ET LE MIRAGE.
LE DÉSORDRE SE DÉSÉTABLIE DANS LE VIDE
POUR AINSI RÉTABLIR LA VIE DANS L'HISTOIRE.
Y'BECCA
TAY

MOSAÏQUE
DE
Y'BECCA
SOUS L'EGIDE
DE
TAY
La chouette effraie
ALIAS
CITOYEN TIGNARD YANIS
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Date d'inscription : 12/11/2005

MessageSujet: Re: Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.   Mar 17 Juil à 3:12

Theresa May Compte certifié @theresa_may
13 h il y a 13 heures
Every day - in every part of the world - people fly in planes powered
by British built engines. We can all feel incredibly proud of our position
as a leading aerospace nation.

Kounaklechat @kounaklechat
56 min il y a 56 minutes
En réponse à @theresa_may
URANUS, LA DISTANCE ET LA NOTION DE JUSTICE SUR LE MAL.
http://leclandesmouettes.bbflash.net/t829-uranus-la-distance-et-la-notion-de-justice-sur-le-mal …
EDERLEZI, Live SatellitCafé à Roanne.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VliMI9jQ3-M …
YAHVÉ, LE JUGEMENT, L'UNIVERS, LA RAISON ET LE MAUVAIS.
http://leclandesmouettes.bbflash.net/t773-yahve-le-jugement-l-univers-la-raison-et-le-mauvais …
Breakup of Yugoslavia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Breakup_of_Yugoslavia …
Y'becca.
TAY

DONC,


YAHVÉ, LA LAÏCITÉ, LA JUSTICE, Y'BECCA, L'UNIVERS ET AMMOUT

DANS LE BREF INSTANT; LE CHAOS S'APPROCHE DU VIDE QU'IL CONVOITE...
DANS UNE DOUCE APPROXIMATION, LE MURMURE SE FAITS ENTENDRE;
LE RIEN GÉMIT DANS LA CLARTÉ DE L'OBSCURANTISME: LA NUIT SE FAIT JOUR.

LE DEVINT UN ET LA MÉTAPHORE DES CHOSES SE FAIT JOUR DANS LES TÉNÈBRES.
LE COUVERCLE ET LE TABERNACLE DANS LE SILENCE ENGENDRE LE BRUIT: RAYONS.
LE TEMPS SE FAIT FORME DANS LE SOUPIR ET LA NAISSANCE PORTE L'AURORE.

ALORS, LA PRUDENCE RÉCONFORTE LA TENDRESSE FAISANT NAÎTRE LA SAGESSE.
LES NUAGES DONNENT FORME AUX PREMIÈRES CRÉATURES. LE SOLEIL COMMENCE
SES GESTATIONS ET LE FLEUVE SE COMPOSE DE SES ÉLÉMENTS PRIMORDIAUX...

LE PRIMORDIAL EST TOUJOURS CAR N’ÉTANT PAS DÉCOMPOSÉ: IL DEMEURE...
LA RAISON SE FAIT EN DES RAISONS ET LES NUANCES DES ARTICLES PROCLAMENT
LA COMPLEXITÉ DE VOCABULAIRE. L'IRIS PORTE LE SENSIBLE ET LA PUDEUR FAIT

NAITRE DANS L’ARDENT, UNE CHALEUR SUR LES THERMES: LES MOLÉCULES DE SOIE.
LE NATUREL DONNE LA NATURE QUI ÉTAIT TOUJOURS: IL APPRENDS SON NOM...
CAR LE VOILA DANS LA MULTITUDE, IL SE RAPPELLE DE L'ORIGINE: SON MYSTÈRE.

DE NOUVELLES ONDES SE SOUVIENNENT ALORS DE LA CLARTÉ ANCIENNE SUR LE
RIEN DANS LE VIDE DONNANT AINSI L'EFFONDREMENT DE LA MASSE: L'ATOMIQUE.
L’ÂME EST UN OBSCURANTISME QUAND IL S'AGIT DE VIE ALORS LA MORT REVIENT.

POURTANT LE TEMPOREL RAPPELLE LA SITUATION ET CE TERME DE LA FOLIE SUR
LE CONCEPT CHIMIQUE DE LA NATURE QUI EST FINALEMENT ÉTABLI SUR L'INSTABLE
ET LE STABLE: L’ÉQUILIBRE D'UN SABLIER OU RÉÉQUILIBRER LES TERMES DU SON.

DANS SON VOYAGE, LA MOLÉCULE DEVIENT UN ÊTRE AYANT CHOISI LE SENS DE LA
FORME DE SON ÉCRITURE ALORS LA RAGE DE VIVRE SE DÉSÉTABLIE DANS LE CŒUR
DE LA MATIÈRE: AINSI EST LA FORCE; AINSI EST LE CLANS DES MOUETTES.

LA GRANDEUR ET L'EXPANSION DANS L’ÉQUILIBRE DE LA FUREUR ET DE LA PRUDENCE;
LA SAGESSE OBSERVE LA CHASSE ET S'INCLINE DEVANT LE MINOTAURE ET CRACHANT
SUR LE TORÉADOR. LES SENS N'EST PAS DE JOUER MAIS DE SE NOURRIR EN DIGNITÉ.

BEAUCOUP DE CHEMINS RESTENT AUX CONSCIENCES HUMAINES POUR LE PARCOURS
QUI LES ATTENDS: LA CATALOGNE A MONTRÉ UN CHEMIN EN RENIANT LE SACRIFICE
DU TAUREAU POUR LA GRANDEUR DE L’HUMANITÉ. LA MER REGARDE SON ESPADON

ET LE VIEIL HOMME TROUVE NOBLESSE DANS CE COMBAT DEVANT L’INFINITÉ...
LE CROIRE EN UNE ALOUETTE QUI SE DEPLUME DANS LE MOUVEMENT DE LA CAPE:
N'EST PLUS LE TERME DE LA VIE DANS LE SABRE, LE SANG DE ABEL SE VENGE.

LE REGARD EST UN TERME D’ÉCHANGE MAIS LE VERBE DANS LE MOUVEMENT DE L'INFINI
S'EST INTERPELLE L’ÉCHO, L'INFINI ET LE VERBE. JE NE SUIS PAS LE ROI MINOS
TOUT COMME JE SUIS PAS MINOS, LE FRÈRE DE RHADAMENTE OU JUGE DU MOMENT.

JE SUIS DANS LE JUGEMENT DANS LE TOURBILLON DU SANG DANS LA GUERRE ET TOUT;
COMME LA CONSCIENCE DANS LE PERPÉTUEL, NOUS CHERCHERONS DES TAUREAUX...
EN D'AUTRES LIEUX, VOUS CHERCHEREZ CETTE BARBARIE POUR PERPÉTUER VOS ANCÊTRES.

JE CROYEZ EN UNE MASSE PLUS SUR LE SENS DU SENSORIEL QUE DANS L'ODORAT BESTIAL.
NOUS DEVONS ÉVOLUER DANS LE TERME DU PROPRE NATUREL DE LA FORME DU CONCEPT.
MOURIR SANS LA GLOIRE ET NI PARDON; LUTTEZ FACE AU MONSTRE QU'EST LE TORERO.

LE NUAGE CONSTRUIT MASSE DANS LE VIDE. LE SANG DANS LA TERRE NE PROVOQUE RIEN.
LA CLAMEUR DÉRANGE L’OUÏE DE CEUX QUI VEUT SE FAIRE ENTENDRE DE LA FOULE, CIRCÉE.
POSÉIDON DANS SA SAGESSE NE PEUT ACCEPTER LE SACRIFICE DE SES COQS OU TAUREAU.

DANS LE VIDE, LA SOUFFRANCE SE FAIT LA RUMEUR DE SA DOULEUR DANS L’ÉLECTRIQUE...
LA LUMIÈRE REPRENDS SES DROITS SUR CEUX QUI CHERCHENT LE SANG DANS L'ARGENT...
L'OMBRE OBSERVE CETTE BARBARIE SACHANT RECONNAITRE L’ATROCITÉ DU MOMENT...

LE TAUREAU SACHANT VENIR LA CAMIONNETTE SE RAPPELLE CE PARADIS PROMIS ET
BÉNIT DE SON REGARD; L'ENFER QUI RECUEILLERA LA CLAMEUR DE SA MORT: HERCULE.
ALORS L'UNIVERS REPRENDS SES DROITS SUR CES MANIFESTATIONS DE BARBARIES...

LE MOUVEMENT REPRENDS SA PROGRESSION SUR LE TEMPS ALORS QUE CELUI CI FORME
UNE UNION DANS LE CONTEXTE ET LE MIRAGE. LE DÉSORDRE SE DÉSÉTABLIE DANS LE VIDE
POUR AINSI RÉTABLIR LA VIE DANS L'HISTOIRE: LE MINOTAURE REDEVINT MINOTAURE;

THÉSÉE REDEVINT THÉSÉE TANDIS QUE AMMOUT DÉVORE CEUX QUI SACRIFIE PAR PLAISIR
ET PAR ORGUEIL CROYANT ACHETER LA FOULE: LA CROYANCE EN UNE JUSTICE DIVINE.
LE TERME DE DIRE N'EST PAS VÉRITÉ MAIS CELUI D’ÉCRIRE EST DE S'AFFIRMER DEVANT DIEU.

ECRIT DU
CITOYEN TIGNARD YANIS
ALIAS
TAY
La chouette effraie

---------------------

DIEU.
EN L'OMBRE CHINOISE DES AURORES BORÉALES, JE VOIS NOS ENFANTS SE RÉJOUIR DE NOS VIES : JULIE, SŒUR D'ARIELLE ET DE JEAN PARCOURS SON CHEMIN DANS LA JOIE AUQUEL JE NE SUIS POINT UN POUX: GARDIENS DES PI YING ET DES MARÉES, NOUS CÉLÉBRONS LE RETOUR DU VENT ET DES OURS.
TAY

---------------------

NINA.
AU REGARD DE L'INFINI RÉSONNE CETTE NOTE DE L'INFINI QUI EST L'HORIZON. DANS LE CRI DU RAYONNEMENT, LA FUSION EST TEL QUE L'IMAGINATION NE PEUT ÉGALER LE GRANDIOSE DE LA NATURE CAR CETTE NOTE DE MYSTÈRE EST LA SYNTHÈSE DE NOTRE IMAGINAIRE : LA DÉMOCRATIE LIBERTAIRE.
TAY

---------------------

NINA.
EN L'IVRESSE, J'AI JOUE DES MOTS DE LA DÉMOCRATIE LIBERTAIRE SANS JAMAIS CHERCHER à CORROMPRE SES ESPÉRANCES ET SON CROIRE : TEL UN PAPILLON, J'AI CÔTOYER LE FEU DE L'HORIZON EN RESSENTANT LE MIRAGE SANS PERDRE LA FOI DE L'EAU. L'IMAGINATION EST LE FRUIT DE L'UNIVERS.
TAY

---------------------

Genesis - Stagnation. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ejwftvv4iU4 …
LA LUMIÈRE EST ENGLOUTIE PAR L'ATTRACTION, QU'EST LE TROU NOIR ALORS QUE DEVIENT LE SON ! UN CHIFFRE PI SANS SOURCE OU UN ION CHERCHANT UN NOUVEL ÉQUILIBRE...! SANS TOMBER DANS LE MYSTIQUE, L’ÉLECTRIQUE ENGENDRE LA CHAIR OU MAGMA.
TAY

Un trou noir est susceptible de s'évaporer en l'émission d'un rayonnement de corps noir appelé rayonnement de Hawking.
Les synthèses de l'électrique, tel la foudre qui se compose par son environnement, naissent de la pression des masses :
Un regard sur l'horizon de l'infini.
TAY

NINA.
LE TONNERRE ET L'ESPACE.
CELLE QUE NOUS CROYONS DOMESTIQUE. GRAND MYSTÈRE DANS SA SOURCE ET SA FÉCONDATION. NOUS CONNAISSONS LES INGRÉDIENTS, SES RECETTES MAIS JAMAIS, LE LIEU DE L'IMPACT : JE PARLE DE LA FOUDRE CELLE QUE JE SURNOMME LE PREMIER BIG BANG OU L’ÉCLOSION.
TAY

ÊTRE EN LE LUCIDE ET SE TRANSFORMER DANS LA CONSCIENCE. L'EUPHORIE EST MERVEILLEUSE MAIS ELLE EST JUSTE PASSAGÈRE. ENFIN C'EST CE QUE JE CROYAIS CAR LORSQUE JE PORTE MON REGARD VERS LES HORIZONS DE LA TERRE ET LES INFINIS DE L'UNIVERS : J'AI JOIE DE VOIR CE MYSTÈRE ÊTRE NÉ .
TAY

Genesis, The Knife.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O-78TeJlq24
JE ME NOURRIS PAS DE L’ADVERSITÉ CAR JE NE CHERCHE PAS LE REGARD DU PRESTIGE : HEUREUX D’ÊTRE, LA VICTOIRE NE ME DÉPLAIT PAS LORSQUE ELLE EST LA COULEUR DE L’ÉTHIQUE ET DE L’ESPÉRANCE : TEL LE FRUIT, J'AI L'ESSENCE DE DEVENIR ARBRE.
TAY

LA MORSURE DU SERPENT N'EST PAS TOUJOURS UNE ATTEINTE À LA VIE. AINSI, LE VENIN RECÈLE DES ASPECTS DE CICATRISER DES ACTES EN DES BIENFAITS. L'AIGLE EST L'AIGUILLE CAR CERTAINS CONFONDENT SA FORCE AVEC LE DESPOTISME. TOUT COMME LE TAUREAU, L'AIGLE EST UN ESPRIT DE LA NATURE.
TAY

LA MORSURE DU SERPENT N'EST PAS TOUJOURS UNE ATTEINTE À LA VIE. AINSI, LE VENIN RECÈLE DES ASPECTS DE CICATRISER DES ACTES EN DES BIENFAITS. L'AIGLE EST L'AIGUILLE CAR CERTAINS CONFONDENT SA FORCE AVEC LE DESPOTISME. TOUT COMME LE TAUREAU, L'AIGLE EST UN ESPRIT DE LA NATURE.
TAY

LE COMBATIF EST LA VALEUR, L’ÉTHIQUE EST LA RAISON : LA SOUFFRANCE N'EST PAS LA DOULEUR ET EMIL CIORAN DANS SON ABNÉGATION DU NÉE DISTINGUE QUE CERTAINES VALEURS NE SE GAGNENT PAS SANS POSSÉDER UN HÉRITAGE : LA FAIM, LE MARIAGE ET LA PEUR. LA DOULEUR N'EST PAS LA SOUFFRANCE.
TAY

LA CIRCONSTANCE EST LA VALEUR QUI DRESSE LA LIBERTÉ EN L’ÉCRITURE. LE SENTIMENT DU CROIRE EN SON DESTIN ET EN CEUX QUI DÉSIRENT LE CONTEXTE D’ÉGALITÉ. UNE RAISON DE L’ÉGALITAIRE
DANS LESQUELLES LES AILES D'ICARE DÉFIENT LA CUISSE DE JUPITER.
TAY

SENTIMENTS DU
CITOYEN TIGNARD YANIS

AINSI,

The White House Compte certifié @WhiteHouse
19 h il y a 19 heures
President Trump Holds a Joint Press Conference
with the President of the Russian Federation

Kounaklechat @kounaklechat
18 h il y a 18 heures
En réponse à @WhiteHouse
Genesis - The Lamia...
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jWRrQ6GlI8o …
Aux orées de la mort, malgré l'aspect d'éternité que le personnage donne dans
la conscience humaine :
Le droit de saluer sa terre, avant de partir et laisser sa chair comme seule trace,
est permis aux criminels et aux saints.
TAY

TIGNARD YANIS @TIGNARDYANIS 3 h
JÉRUSALEM ET NATALIE PORTMAN... Madonna - La Isla Bonita...
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zpzdgmqIHOQ …
La prudence repose dans le cœur du sage.
Proverbe de Salomon ; Le livre des proverbes - IVe s. av. J.-C.
L'ÉRÉBE, LE STYX ET CHARON.
Y'BECCA.
TAY

SENTIMENTS DU
CITOYEN TIGNARD YANIS

Minouska.KounakDenat @minouska_kounak
1 h il y a 1 heure
ÉTINCELLE, JÉRUSALEM, Y'BECCA, LE SOUFFLE ET LA TERRE.
http://leclandesmouettes.bbflash.net/t764-etincelle-jerusalem-y-becca-le-souffle-et-la-terre …
Emir Kusturica - Le temps des gitans (1988)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xALJOY8V4m0 …
URANUS, LA DISTANCE ET LA NOTION DE JUSTICE SUR LE MAL.
http://leclandesmouettes.bbflash.net/t829-uranus-la-distance-et-la-notion-de-justice-sur-le-mal …
Breakup of Yugoslavia.
Y'BECCA.
TAY

TIGNARD YANIS @TIGNARDYANIS 3 h
Masse sombre dans la constellation de la Vierge.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9yO0g0_c--E
La Vierge, royaume des galaxies.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WQaxGXEx9lM
Quand la flèche de la fatalité est lancée, le bouclier de la prudence ne peut en garantir.
Proverbes de la Turquie (1956).
TAY
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Nombre de messages : 6966
Localisation : http://yanis.tignard.free.fr
Date d'inscription : 12/11/2005

MessageSujet: Re: Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.   Mar 17 Juil à 3:24

TIGNARD YANIS @TIGNARDYANIS
17 h il y a 17 heures
L'ÂME ET LA MORT. LA PAGE EST L'ILLUSTRE DU MOMENT
ET L'ÉCRITURE EST L'INSTANT DU TEMPS. DANS LA SITUATION :
LE MOUVEMENT EST UN TERME DE LA NATURE.
L'ÉVOLUTION EST L'ÉTHIQUE DE L'EXISTENCE CAR LA PENSÉE
SE VEUT DE DEVENIR UN ESPRIT.
Y'BECCA.
TAY

LA CONFIANCE. C'EST UNE CROYANCE ET UNE VÉRITÉ EN UNE IDÉE,
UN VERBE ET UNE PERSONNE QUI PEUVENT ÊTRE DE SOI OU D'UN AUTRUI.
IL N'Y A PAS AVEUGLEMENT : UNE CERTITUDE D'ÊTRE DANS LE VRAI ET LA JUSTICE.
CE SENTIMENT D'ÊTRE N'EST PAS UNE EMPATHIE MAIS UNE EMPREINTE DE L'ESPRIT.
TAY

UN CHAMPION DU MONDE DOIT MONTRER L'EXEMPLE. DANS LE DOMAINE PUBLIC
OÙ IL POURRA QUAND MÊME AVOIR UNE OPINION DE DIRE.
DANS UN CLUB, LE CHAMPION DU MONDE EST SOUS LA TUTELLE
DE SON ENTRAÎNEUR ET DU CAPITAINE DE L'ÉQUIPE :
CELA EST LE CONCEPT AU HANDBALL COMME AU FOOTBALL.
TAY

LA NUIT DU CHASSEUR ET LA ISLA MINIMA. DANS LA PÉNOMBRE DE L'INTENSITÉ,
DEUX FILMS EXCEPTIONNEL SUR LA NOIRCEUR DE LA FOLIE. DEUX CARACTÈRES
DEVANT LE DEUIL, LA FRAGILITÉ DE L'ÂME DEVANT LA CONVOITISE DE L'ESPRIT :
LA CHOUETTE EFFRAIE NE DÉVORE PAS TOUJOURS LE LAPIN.
TAY

LA NUIT DU CHASSEUR. CE FILM MONTRE COMMENT UN HOMME PEUT DÉTOURNER
ET ENVELOPPER L'ESPRIT DES BONNES ÂMES.
QUAND ON JOUE AVEC L'ESPRIT DE DIEU, ON RENCONTRE UNE EXISTENCE
QUI NE SE LAISSE PAS SÉDUIRE PAR LES PROMESSES DOUTEUSES.
TAY

LA LÉGION D'HONNEUR. UN SENTIMENT PROFOND DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE :
UN ACTE QUI DEMANDE UNE RESPONSABILITÉ CIVILE ET MORALE ENVERS
LE SECOURISME ET L'HONNÊTETÉ. LA BRAVOURE NE SE RÉSIGNE PAS DEVANT
LA BRUTALITÉ QU'ELLE SOIT VERBALE, PHYSIQUE ET MORALE.
TAY

DANS LA LUMIÈRE, LA CORRUPTION A FAIT SA SEMENCE. LORSQUE ON OBSERVE
LES TÉNÈBRES, ON Y PERÇOIT L'INFINI CAR IL Y A LES ÉTOILES QUI NOUS PERMETTENT
DE VOIR UNE PROFONDEUR. LES ABYSSES SONT LES SOURCES DES SOUPIRS
ET DE LEURS ACTES NAISSENT LES RÉVOLUTIONS.
TAY

L'IMAGE. EN L'IMAGINATION, IL Y A L'IMMATRICULATION DE LA SENSIBILITÉ
ET DE SA SEMENCE : JE SUIS ET TU ES. ON CHERCHE LE RAPPORT ENTRE
LA RÉALITÉ ET LE RÊVE PAR DES SENTIMENTS : CE LIEN, QUI PERMET DE DIRE,
EST LE TEMPS QU'ON DIT RÉEL. CAR, MÉFIANCE : IL EXISTE LE SUBTERFUGE.
TAY

L'IRONIE. LE PROPRE DE L'IRONIE S'EST DE POSSÉDER UNE CONFIANCE
AUSSI GRANDE QUE SON ORGUEIL. LE MALHEUR PROVOQUE DE LA TRISTESSE
MAIS L'IRONIQUE POSSÈDE UN SANG FROID SUR LE DÉSESPOIR :
CELA PEUT ÊTRE UNE VERTU OU UNE CRUAUTÉ SELON LES CARACTÈRES.
TAY

MOSAÏQUE DU
CITOYEN TIGNARD YANIS
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Localisation : http://yanis.tignard.free.fr
Date d'inscription : 12/11/2005

MessageSujet: Re: Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.   Mar 17 Juil à 9:31

Élysée Compte certifié @Elysee
2 h il y a 2 heures
LIVE | Déclaration d’Emmanuel Macron et de Aleksandar Vučić,
Président de la République de la Serbie


TIGNARD YANIS @TIGNARDYANIS
8 min il y a 8 minutes
En réponse à @Elysee

@RahulGandhi
I stand with the last person in the line.
The exploited, marginalised and the persecuted.
Their religion, caste or beliefs matter little to me.
I seek out those in pain and embrace them.
I erase hatred and fear.
I love all living beings.
I am the Congress.

Intrusion más frecuente de frentes y tormentas
debido a #CambioClimatico,
podría debilitar cuasi-aislamiento biológico
de #Antartica, facilitando su colonización
por especies exóticas
q alterarían dinámica
de #Ecosistemas locales.

#MardiConseil ⚠️ Attention à ne jamais surestimer ses capacités
face à la #mer 👉🏻 samedi dernier à 20h, les #SauveteursenMer
#SNSM #SaintVaast ont secouru une victime qui était partie
nager trop loin 🌊 bit.ly 2NJqggc
Tous nos conseils sur http://www.grainesdesauveteurs.com

JÉRUSALEM, JEREMY, JÉRUSALEM... LA LAÏCITÉ ET LA CONVICTION D'ÊTRE...
SANS PLONGER DANS LE MYSTIQUE, LA RÉPUBLIQUE EST LE PEUPLE
ET LA RÉALITÉ EST DIRE QUE CHACUN EST SUJET DE L'AUTRE
TOUT EN AYANT SON SOI ET SON SOUFFLE:
LA RÉPUBLIQUE ET JÉRUSALEM, MA FORCE ET MON HONNEUR.
TAY

JE NE CROIS PAS AU PARADIS MAIS EN LA FORCE DU MIRACLE
QU'IL SOIT MORALE, MÉDICAL OU DIVIN. JÉRUSALEM ET LA LAÏCITÉ
SONT LIÉES AUX LIBERTÉS FONDAMENTALES DE LA RÉPUBLIQUE
ET DE LA FRATERNITÉ:
L'ÉGALITÉ EST L'ÉTHIQUE D'EXISTENCE, JÉRUSALEM, MON SOUFFLE.
TAY

DANS L'ADVERSITÉ DU TERRORISME, JE NE ME RETOURNE PLUS VERS DIEU
MAIS VERS JÉRUSALEM ET L'ARC EN CIEL. DIEU A LAISSÉ DES SOUVENIRS
D'ESPÉRANCES ET FINALEMENT, CES PIERRES DEVIENNENT
DES TÉMOIGNAGES PLUS QUE DES LAMENTATIONS.
TAY

MOSAÏQUE DU
CITOYEN TIGNARD YANIS

Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, née le 29 avril 1968 à Rijeka, est une femme d'État croate, membre de l'Union démocratique croate (HDZ), présidente de la République de Croatie depuis le 18 février 2015.

Diplômée de langues étrangères et relations internationales, elle travaille au début des années 1990 comme haut fonctionnaire ministériel. En 1997, elle intègre le corps diplomatique croate.

Elle est élue députée à la Diète en 2003, puis devient ministre de l'Intégration européenne du premier gouvernement d'Ivo Sanader. Le remaniement de 2005 en fait la première femme à accéder au poste de ministre des Affaires étrangères. Elle n'est pas reconduite en 2008, mais obtient le poste d'ambassadrice aux États-Unis, avant d'être nommée en 2011 secrétaire générale adjointe pour la diplomatie publique de l'OTAN.

À l'issue de son mandat de trois ans, elle se présente pour la HDZ à l'élection présidentielle croate de 2014-2015. Elle l'emporte de justesse au second tour sur le chef de l'État sortant, Ivo Josipović, devenant la première femme élue à la présidence de la Croatie et également la plus jeune personnalité élue à cette fonction.

Etoiles et Constellations, par Jean-Pierre Luminet (1996)...
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cEksSVzl3qc

MOSAÏQUE DU
CITOYEN TIGNARD YANIS
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Nombre de messages : 6966
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Date d'inscription : 12/11/2005

MessageSujet: Re: Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.   Mar 17 Juil à 9:41

Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.
http://leclandesmouettes.bbflash.net/t853-breakup-of-yugoslavia-la-france-et-l-aquoiboniste#9253
Étoiles et Constellations, par Jean-Pierre Luminet (1996).
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cEksSVzl3qc
L'ENSEIGNEMENT DÉPARTEMENTALE RÉGIONALE LAÏC RÉPUBLICAIN.
http://la-5ieme-republique.actifforum.com/t518-l-enseignement-departementale-regionale-laic-republicain
Le clans des mouettes
TAY

A chaque instant, nous sommes traversés de part en part par des milliards de NEUTRINOS,
des particules atomiques qui proviennent de tous les coins de l'univers,
et qui sont produites par le soleil, les supernovae, les trous noirs dont l'origine remonte au Big Bang
ou bien avant selon la théorie de la structure : le mouvement d'air...
De masses pratiquement nulles, elles voyagent presque à la vitesse de la lumière
sans se soucier des obstacles le moins du monde.
Lorsque, à l'occasion, elles heurtent une particule de matière, elles produisent un MUON
et une lueur bleue caractéristique... Reste à déterminer l'age...
Le grand mystère de la synthèse...
TAY
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MessageSujet: Re: Breakup of Yugoslavia, La France et l'Aquoiboniste.   

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